Intersectional activism is composed of many different components and it often looks different depending on a number of factors including the location and identity of the people participating in the activism. When looking at the literature on intersectional activism, themes appear that are repeated across the literature. Intersectional activism is not a monolithic concept, as such, though two works might address the same theme or topic that does not mean that they approach the topic in the same way. Though not the same, the topics hold importance across the different forms of activism. These repeated topics include the importance and difficulties arising from coalition building, organizational structure and goals, the role of institutions, and …show more content…
In Collins’s work “Where Do We Go From Here?,” she discusses how coalitions can truly be helpful for communities, such as “cross-class coalitions” that bridge class barriers (238). In “Toward a New Vision,” Collins discusses forming coalitions around a “common cause” or a “common enemy” (225). This is an approach most organizations took when looking to build a coalition. While finding a common cause is a good first step, the difficulties involved with coalition building and with partnering with other organizations are themes that can be found in many of the readings we read for class. The concept of coalition building is explored in Bernice Johnson Reagon’s piece as she addresses the fact that a reason many coalitions are “stumbling” is the fact that in order to move forward they have to join forces with people they may not completely agree with (368). Similarly, Cole looks at the difficulties in finding similarities between groups, because even within a group “subpopulations may have substantively different interests” (446). Cohen mentions coalition building in much of the same terms as others we have read, including Reagon, who she mentions Bernice Johnson Reagon by name. Cohen sees coalitions as something that are difficult and uncomfortable but necessary. A successful coalition must work with these differing opinions, interests, and …show more content…
As DeTurk writes, The Esperanza Center uses an intersectional approach to its work and “is consistent in its confrontation of injustice as a system rather than as a disparate assortment of ‘isms’” (48). One question that is raised in many of the pieces we read is whether to work within the system or to work outside it. As evidenced by the response to this issue in our readings, this is not a black and white issue and there are many different ways to approach it. One way, as Paul Grzanka commented during our seminar, is to “use the master’s tools to break into the house and burn it down.” Whether working within the system or not, the activist tactics that are used are central to much of the activism we read about. The Esperanza Center is just one example of an organization that confronts the system as a whole, using tactics that are specific to their region and their
this book helps readers see the opportunities that are shown together. even though liberalism faded away due to conservatives it did exist and played a huge role in shaping the diverse population and
The group’s main agenda is to get their voices heard by providing resistance during town hall meeting, applying opposition during open public events, visiting their representative local offices and demanding that meeting be held to discuss opposition to each representatives voting record and the group also coordinate calls to their representatives in order to inundate them with opposition to specific voting issues. As one can see by coordinating with others in the opposition movement to act at the same time causes an impact which their representative cannot
One strength of a political party is that they are “essential institutions for the operation of the American government” (Barker, 2016, p. 1, para. 1). One of the functions of the political party is to be the middle person between citizens and “their elected government” (Barker, 2016, p. 4, para. 2) so that the people can feel as if their voices will be heard and the issues will be resolved. Although political parties should be for the people, one of the weaknesses is that “many believe that the major parties do not do an adequate job of
On October 1st I was was fortunate enough to attend the Morgan Lecture: “Intersectionality, Black Youth and Political Activism” with speaker Patricia Hill Collins. I would like to touch upon a few of the points Collins raised in regards to black activism during the event and connect these points to Robin D.G. Kelly's “Looking for the 'Real' Nigga: Social scientists construct the Ghetto.” The message within Kelly's essay of reshaping the caricature given to black culture by social scientists can be closely related to Collins message about avoiding the caricature often given to those who participate in black activism. Both Collins and Kelly seem to have the similar goal of disrupting the story often perceived within the realms of black culture
He calls this list of remedies a “constitutional, cheap, easy, and sure method of conveying necessary knowledge among the Many” (Manning, p. 159). Described on this list are a list of demands that allow the Many to obtain knowledge of everything needed to succeed in a democracy including the difference of ideas, principles of democracy, laws, elections and new laws, political candidates and national debates both in government and among his peers. He then proceeds to propose the idea of a “Society of the Many” or laborers to help bring this idea into fruition. The goal of this establishment is to teach and inform those without much knowledge of democracy about how the republican system works and how their vote can influence their daily
Thankfully programs like Casa Esperanza can make it easier to escape the violent cycle. Equipped with a shelter in which these women can hide out and ger the resources needed to start a new happier life. Transition: The amazing work of these outreach workers don’t go unnoticed.
The gathering concedes to some proposed strategies and projects, with a view to advancing the aggregate great or assisting their supporters ' advantages. Most importantly, Political parties compete against each other to have the capacity to
Chapter eight deals with what is it about organizing that empowers people? Linthicum introduces the action-reflection spiral which consists of felt community needs, the people’s initial action, more substantive issues, more substantive actions, examination of the systems and structure, confrontation of the systems, awareness of one’s own complicity, and substantive community- transformation action. Chapter nine examines confrontation, negotiation, and using power. Linthicum utilizes Jesus, Paul and Moses to highlight confrontation and how it is used in the bible. Chapter ten is entitled “It wasn’t about Building a Wall.
When no influence is strong enough to unify people, they divide. They struggle” (91). During times of instability, the “influence” that once brought people together is long forgotten, people only look out for themselves. This stimulates the division of like people and as a result, the community struggles. She examines every person around her to make sense of her thoughts and values and to find her place in the world.
When the Mendez family asked “why”, they were repeatedly told “That is how it is done”. In response Sylvia’s father, with the help of lawyer David Marcus, decides to file a lawsuit along with other families who had experienced segregation. Using dialogue from courtroom transcripts and conversations from Sylvia Mendez, the book narrates the account of the victory of the Mendez family’s fight for integration in schools. Illustrations will help readers understand the inequality of conditions of the institutions and social situations during this period. Included in the author’s note is a historical account and photographs documenting historical events.
They do not fulfil that promise. They never will!” (Charlie Chaplin: The Great Dictator 's Speech, 2016).This represents people’s feelings toward the voting system, they want to feel that they have the power to evoke change on a national level, but they have been lied to before by “brutes”. We question whether or not we truly have the power to change or is it all simply nullified by coalitions.
Budgeting and Finance, Board of Directors, Community Leaders, these leaders support programs that empowers an individual. (d) Identify Potential Allies. Describe the driving forces for change. Macro-level advocacy agencies, Social Services, Legislative advocacy.
Therefore, to understand how they influence coalition building in a
In this scenario the theory of a dichotomy between administration and politics is reinforced, while the interplay suggested by complementarity is challenged. In a general sense, labor intensive and complicated actions suggested by Fredrickson, such as the nurturing of an informed citizenry and the consideration of opinions from those who fail organize, have the potential
I argued that identity groups pose distinctive challenges to democratic societies that have been neglected both by political theorists who overlook the advantages of organizing on the basis of mutual identity in democratic politics and by political scientists who lump all politically relevant organizations together under the rubric of interest group politics. The more I accomplished as a scholar and teacher, the stronger my desire grew to test my theories of education and deliberative democracy in practice. My first opportunity came at Princeton, where I founded the University Center for Human Values to encourage innovative teaching, scholarship, and public deliberation on important ethical issues in private and public life. Becoming Penn's President in 2004 consummated the match between my scholarly yearnings and my aspirations for higher education.