While the United States consistently prides itself on being a worldwide leader in opportunity and champions of equality for all citizens, an analysis of America’s neglect towards blacks reveals a much darker history of systematic segregation and inequality. As the economy booms and augments the national GDP, blacks are perennially left out of profit shares and bear market opportunities. The marginalization of blacks is not a new phenomenon, but rather a domino effect of persistent neglect and accessibility to domestic capital. This paper will focus on the exploitations of Philadelphia and Atlanta, two of the most segregated U.S. cities that exude perpetual injustice towards blacks.
Although Philadelphia is “one of the major corporate centers
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The perennial disconnect between increased opportunities for whites instead of blacks success lies in the preexisting culture of racism embedded in Philadelphia’s history. Philadelphia is notorious for police brutality against blacks, where “one of the first race riots of the civil rights era erupted in the city in August 1964 after two police officers forcibly pulled a black woman from her car” which “resulted in over 700 arrests and 200 cases of property damage” (Sauter, 2017). Although a miniscule example in comparison to Philadelphia’s large history, the City of Brotherly Love has not made ample efforts to intervene and reduce racial tensions between whites and blacks. A majority of white-owned corporations and landlords pivot racial injustice towards blacks, which keeps them unwillingly voiceless and poor. Without the employment opportunities of major enterprises, blacks continue to earn low wages and live in government subsidized housing. Desmond states that: “The home is the center of life. It is a refuge from the grind of work, the pressure of school, and the menace of the streets. We say that at home, we can ‘be ourselves.’ Everywhere else, we are someone else. At home, we remove our masks” (Desmond, 293). The perpetuation of low income housing provides a poor foundation for growth. Blacks continue to remain in poverty due to their continual exposure to their disheveled …show more content…
In Georgia, legislation “often mandated separate neighborhoods for blacks and whites” during the Jim Crow era. The south consisted of a caste system which placed blacks at the absolute bottom of the spectrum. Unfortunately, no change has transpired in Atlanta for blacks still remain at the bottom of every socioeconomic thread. Empirical research shows that about a third of Atlanta is black with a 21.6% black poverty rate in comparison to a white poverty rate of 9%. Similar to Philadelphia, Atlanta’s economy is not the primary issue since it has continued to grow over time. Pooley notes that “Despite Atlanta's reputation as a booming city, and although it has attracted hundreds of thousands of new residents—including many highly educated and high-income migrants—the metro region ranks behind nearly all other large MSAs in terms of providing its poorer residents with access to opportunities for upward mobility” (Pooley, 2015). The crux of injustice lies in the limited accessibility of financial gain to blacks because of preexisting cultural racism and segregation. Pooley states blacks lacks upward mobility because of the crippling disadvantages they endure from historic racial neglect and
Neighborhoods just toward the west and east of downtown Baltimore, including Sandtown-Winchester and stretching out into rural Baltimore County, display high rates of poverty. Those neighborhoods are overwhelmingly black, mirroring a long history of express and verifiable approaches in the locale that yielded abnormal amounts of racial and monetary isolation. This racial segregation and poverty fixation enable record for stark contrasts between Baltimore 's black and white populaces in key financial results to like instruction, work, and youngster
By the 1980’s, Atlanta was rapidly expanding past the point of containment, and quickly exploded with a mass immigration of penniless merchants. It wasn’t until 1993, with the construction of Georgia 400 was Atlanta alleviated from this rapid migration into the city (Huff). Georgia 400 offered the citizens of Atlanta, primarily those who could afford the new BMW 325i convertible, an escape from all the caged madness that was offered by overpopulation such as longer wait times at The Varsity or an extended five minutes to their trips to The Fox Theatre. In time, many of the Bentley owners migrated away from the crowding city and took their precious tax dollars away to invest into other counties. West Forsyth High School and the other schools in Forsyth now began to provide students with a library and could build a football field.
It is often said that White Americans created ghettos, but forced Black Americans to reside in them. The African American population is often seen as “free loaders”, “refusing to do for self”, and just downright “lazy”. It has become commonplace that Black Americans are blamed for being trapped in “the ghetto” when white Americans and government policy created them. Beryl Satter, in her exceptional work Family Properties, sets out to expose the policy created and enforced by the government with intentions to confine African Americans into a central area of Chicago. Beryl Satter discusses the race and housing discrimination in Chicago during the 1950s and 60s.
Selden Richardson, in his chapter “Black Entrepreneurs, Designers, Craftsmen, and Builders,” he claims that the ruling for “separate but equal” led to positive outcomes for the black community. The most positive outcome was the creation of black jobs building all black neighborhoods, specifically in Richmond, Virginia. These jobs included craftsmen, builders, architects, contractors, and loan companies. In the last couple of weeks we have now discussed and read about black run newspapers.
These oral stories also help illustrate why urban areas such as Compton and south-central Los Angeles became heavily poverty ridden. The overall significance of Sides’ L.A. City Limits is to document the experiences of developing urban areas and the effect that these growing areas had on the city itself. Sides speaks on how the development of urban areas within Los Angeles contributed to the rise of the Civil Rights movement and to the 1965 Watts riots. The contribution from these developing urban areas led to increasing of opportunities for the African American community such as desegregation and better work opportunities.
On top of this, he argues that the white middle class are unrelenting with their methods of depriving black advancement in American society. Knowledge of this incites many blacks to occupy dead-end jobs, or to settle for mediocrity in the face of adversity. A large number of black males in America find themselves forced to take jobs that offer no security, or socioeconomic growth. He also contends that many blacks are not very literate and therefore left behind in cultural revolutions like the information age. For twelve months between 1962 and 1963, Liebow and a group of researchers studied the behavior of a group of young black men who lived near and frequently hung around a street corner in a poor black neighborhood in downtown Washington, D.C. Liebow’s participant observation revealed the numerous obstacles facing black men on a day-to-day basis, including the structural and individual levels of racial discrimination propagated by whites in society.
3. Living in southern Virginia, there is an obvious separation between races that relates to the socioeconomics in the south. I live in an urban community and it is clear that the impoverished areas are mostly African American and the wealthier areas are white, however, this is not only a problem here in Virginia but across the entire south. Furthermore, this issue is caused by the enslavement and segregation of African Americans throughout American history that places them at a disadvantage at birth even before they can take control of their own life. Therefore, the history of racism in the south still affects minorities, even today, and it causes an endless cycle of minorities being at a shortcoming, not only socially, but economically where
While comparing the white verse African American populations in Birmingham in regards to economic inequality, income disparities become even more apparent. Economic inequality is a form of whitewashed
This article provides valid disparity to a number of factors, such as the lack of affordable housing in many urban areas, which makes it difficult for Black Americans to become homeowners, as they are more likely to be renters and to spend a larger portion of their income on housing. It also highlights how zoning laws and land-use regulations have historically been used to exclude Black Americans from certain neighborhoods, further exacerbating the homeownership gap. This article is credible because the publication is known worldwide and has various tools for conducting research and writing. Moreover, this author has published numerous credible articles for well-known magazines and newspapers across the
Introduction Historically, low income people of color have faced discrimination of all sorts, but especially housing discrimination. Even when the Fair Housing Administration began issuing mortgage loans in order to stimulate the economy and give United States citizens the opportunity to purchase a home, this luxury was not equally issued to low income people of color, especially African Americans. In order to combat this discrimination of housing accessibility, especially affordable housing, the Fair Housing Act of 1968 was enacted. Through this act, discrimination in housing on the basis of race, sex, gender, education level, etc. was illegal. This act gave rise to housing accessibility to all people, which snowballed other programs and policies
This racial wealth disparity between White Americans and African Americans is reflected through the median of accumulated household wealth and a lack of opportunities for African Americans in the job
Situated in historically marginalized racial minority and urban communities it results in the impoverished community being ill-prepared to compete in neoliberalism’s rules of engagement because such communities have little economic, social or political power. The remainder of this essay will address current rebuilding strategies in Baltimore within the framework of the three strategies of urban neliberalization described above (see table 1 for outline). Before doing so it is important to provide context from the past ways racialized neoliberalization community building existed pre-late1900’s. While the label “neoliberalization” became synonymous with the evolving US political economy during the Reagan administration, many of its strategies have been in practice for decades previous, perhaps with greater government oversight, more social welfare, and not as much private ownership of public goods -as a white supremacist liberal political economic system (Kendall 2003). The right of the white individual to secure outcomes in their best interest through a free market system permeates the past liberal and current neoliberal political economies of the US.
Can you be surprised at my discouragement?” This young African American was first in his class and that means nothing because he is black. Even though he was top of his class, his job choices were restricted because white people won’t employ him or work with him. This is one example that shows that blacks way of acquiring an income was cut off no matter how educated or experienced they
Lance Freeman, an associate professor of urban planning in Columbia, wanted to investigate if there was any displacement going on in two predominantly black neighborhoods that was briskly gentrifying. Much to his dismay, he couldn’t find any correlation between gentrification and displacement. What was surprising to Freeman was his discovery, “poor residents and those without a college education were actually less likely to move if they resided in gentrifying neighborhoods”. (Sternbergh, 19) Freeman adds, “The discourse on gentrification, has tended to overlook the possibility that some of the neighborhood changes associated with gentrification might be appreciated by the prior residents.” (Sternbergh, 19)
1. Camara Phyllis Jones, a framework of institutional, personally mediated and internalized racism each brings an example of many things we’ve read about in class throughout, the issue of perception and personal issues that have been. Through the housing frameworks in Gainesville itself and in other communities in the states all across America internalized, personally mediated and institutional racism all plays a huge role in analyzing how and why some communities are safe and secure and others are polluted and less secure, on why some schools get more funded than others, they reflect on the systems privilege, unintentional and intentional racism, along with numerous structural barriers that keep people of color of actually succeeding in place