Evelyn Nakano Glenn has stated throughout her book that there are “systems of control” that have acted as “a central feature of the U.S economy” (5). Glenn believes that the U.S economy has been able to implement a system of control, in the Labor of people, by racialization and gendered coercion in a manner whereby employers can assert higher authority and worker constraints. The notion “higher authority” correlates to a term she mentions called Citizenship, whereby “worker constraints” touches on the term Contracts. By appealing these two terms Glenn takes the stand in her book that this is the basis of how labor exploitation arises via racialized and gendered coercion. The Citizenship aspect of her reasoning incorporates who, we, as a community …show more content…
These were important in shaping the early structure of United States government. The coined term “free white persons” when used in reference to Citizenship rights, was a significant milestone which Glenn touched on in the book. She mentioned that this shift to include “free white persons” to replace the preexisting “free property owners” as the basis of US Citizenship, which began in the 18th century and extended into the early 19th century, stated that it’s not just going to be property owners who have the right to vote in the United States, it’s going to be all free white men. Freedom itself but also the economic system, was being redefined around race and gender which she called the “free labor ideology”. This raised the issue being that, if property ownership is not the basis for Citizenship, then what is? To this point it was ascriptive identities, but what do race and gender mean in that context? The point Glenn appeals to answer is the ability of one to “sell their Labor”, defining what the basis of Citizenship should be. The main idea being that, if you can enter these “Contracts”, whereby you can sell your Labor, it by definition provides a basis of independence and autonomy, yielding Citizenship. Contracts began in …show more content…
Therefore if you take it and don’t like it, it is your choice. Regional conception of some people not deserving Citizenship rights, also further helped form a definition of Citizenship that is very limited to its true definition. Only through looking at regional case studies, such as I have described in the South, you can presume that the law of the land was not necessarily fully enforced. The notion of reconstruction played a big part, in regional adaptation. It must be understood that according to Glenn, white landowners got rich because of their land and so you must redefine the law to ensure you keep this advantage, which in turn means that you must exclude some from Citizenship for political and economic gain. Therefore reconstruction efforts became so much harder due to the wealth resided with these
Throughout the years, individuals have learned U.S. History through the perspective of the governments, leaders, the conqueror. However, through Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States, the reader saw a different perspective. They saw the views of slaves, of women, of the underdogs. This was Zinn’s purpose for writing A People’s History of the United States, to show the reader the other side of historical events, because too much of history is written by the elite. The thesis that seems to be maintained throughout is that the minority shaped America to what it is today.
However, the issue that is still a major struggle today is what Fitzhugh calls “the White Slave Trade” (164). By this, he means the capitalist way of using hard labor to earn profit. Instead of calling these people laborers or working men, he refers to them as “slaves to capital” (166). The mark of this is still seen in sweatshops and lower paying jobs. People can work ten hours a day toward their deaths and still only make enough
Author Barbara Welke, professor of history and law at the University of Minnesota in her book, Law and the Borders of Belonging in the Long Nineteenth Century United States, has compiled a well thought-out and comprehensive book towards the discussion of law and the construction of borders within the United States. Welke sheds light on issues concerning discrimination of women, racialized others, and disabled people within the terms of how the legal borders of belonging have constructed that discrimination. The author also focuses on the ideal individual during the long nineteenth century, as the dominant ideology of a person was to be male, white, and able. Within this context, Welke presents various legal cases and practices to create a foundation
Gabriel’s Rebellion, a slave rebellion against the oppressive white government, tested the legal authority of Virginia. Gabriel founded his rebellion on the basis of annihilating slavery and gaining rights as a free man. Though, he progressed further than any other attempt at a slave rebellion had, he had the misfortune of being unsuccessful. Rather than the end of slavery, the rebellion saw the end of Gabriel Prosser. He had planned a three wave attack on the city of Richmond, but before he could carry out his plan one of his co-conspirators gave him up, resulting in thirty to forty public hangings (May, 244).
Goldfield discusses different race theories and how “race consciousness and racism pervade every fiber of our social existence.” He also asserts that the belief that white people are superior to all other races, or white-supremacy, has played a major role in America’s economic system since the early days of American colony. This issue was elaborated more fully through Gary Becker, “[...] employer preferences for white rather than non-white employees are irrational in that they diminish the employer’s potential profits” (8). As a result, the working-class politics is extremely underdeveloped in the United States. Goldfield expressed that a coordinated effort and a sustained class-based labor movement by poor working class whites and non-whites would help eliminate the economic disparity in
In 1997, Charles Mills wrote his book The Racial Contract to put his own philosophical spin on his response to how the role of race is portrayed in Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s earlier book The Social Contract. Mills uses his book as a platform to discuss how white supremacy is still prevalent in today’s society. He uses the beginning of European expansionism and how the Europeans began their worldly domination that would eventually lead to a society heavily influenced by racist individuals to set context for the book. Mill’s book put this contract that is widely unacknowledged (in his opinion) into light to show how that European expansion and domination brought forth the ever occurring battle between “whites” and “non-whites.” One way that Mills expresses how white supremacy has taken over since the start of our nation is through use of language that I believe to be a bit outdated coming from the generation I live in.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a large portion of Americans were restricted from civil and political rights. In American government in Black and White (Second ed.), Paula D. McClain and Steven C. Tauber and Vanna Gonzales’s power point slides, the politics of race and ethnicity is described by explaining the history of discrimination and civil rights progress for selective groups. Civil rights were retracted from African Americans and Asian Americans due to group designation, forms of inequality, and segregation. These restrictions were combatted by reforms such as the Thirteenth Amendment, the Fourteenth Amendment, the Fifteenth amendment, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, etc. Although civil and political
The 14th amendment is split into five sections. Section one is the most important of them all and it states, “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” (The Constitution 2014). However it was put to test in the south early on.
Leho chavez states that in simple terms, citizenship for many is about the legal recognition that comes along with it, the formal membership in an organized political community (Chavez, 12). For those that are anti-immigration, citizenship is also about the rights, privileges and responsibilities (Chavez,12). There is a harsh effect when not being a citizen, since the 1996 welfare reform act made it harder for immigrants to achieve citizenship and also barred non-citizen immigrants from getting many social services like food stamps and medicare(Chavez, 13). Citizenship is further discussed with the discussion of anchor babies. Anchor babies, which are babies born to take advantage of 14th amendment.
California is the “beauty of the eye of the beholder” since all people who come from different background, race, and religion are able to set their own dreams without being criticized. People especially immigrants have viewed California as the “land of opportunity,” which influenced them to leave everything behind in their hometown, to sacrifice their time and to focus on their dreams. Despite the fact that California was lauded as a utopian society, people soon found out that they were going through endeavors and couldn’t overcome them quickly as possible. In fact, Mr. Rawls wanted to express the grievances, struggles, and success that people endure in their rise to the California dream in his short essay, “California: A Place, A People,
Doing Wrong for The Right Reasons There used to be a time where men, women, and people of color were not treated equally. Before a time of equality, women, and people of color, had little to no rights and were restricted within their society. Frederick Douglass and Emmeline Pankhurst knew that their society did not favor people of color or women and, would go on to fight for equal rights for the rest of their lives. Both Pankhurst and Douglas choose to break the law to bring attention to people’s natural rights and defend them.
Ever since the Constitution was written, there have been many interpretations of the phrase “all men are created equal”. Does that include every human, or just the white man? The seventh president of the United States, Andrew Jackson, and his party, the Jacksonian Democrats, proclaimed themselves to be defenders of the Constitution, political democracy, individual liberty, and equality of economic opportunity. But during the Jacksonian Era, only white males could vote. Additionally, the Jacksonians violated the basic rights of Native Americans by kicking them off of their own land.
On July 9, 1868, the Fourteenth amendment was formally introduced to the Constitution and granted citizenship to “all persons born or naturalized in the United States.” These words have as an ideal purpose that all levels of the federal government must operate within the law and provide fair conditions for all people. As a result, the states had a obligation to the public. Through the Fourteenth amendment, states were forbidden from denying any person “life, liberty, or property, without due process of law” or to “deny any person within jurisdiction the equal protection of laws.” By directly mentioning the role of the states, the Fourteenth amendment also expanded civil rights to African American slaves who had been emancipated after the American Civil War.
Fahad Albrahim Response 1: Review/Summary: “Whiteness as property” is an article written by Cheryl Harris, in which she addresses the subject of racial identity and property in the United States. Throughout the article, professor Harris attempts to explain how the concept of whiteness was initiated to become a form of racial identity, which evolved into a property widely protected in American law (page 1713). Harris tackles a number of facts that describe the roots of whiteness as property in American history at the expense of minorities such as Black and American natives (page 1709). Additionally, Harris describes how whiteness as property evolved to become seen as a racial privilege in which the whites gained more benefits, whether
In the Declaration of Independence, authors Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, John Adams, and Robert Livingston, argued that, “all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men...” These founding fathers heavily stressed the importance of equality and unknowingly paved the way towards the American Dream. However, the embodiment of the American Dream- social equality and economic independence- although widely favored, seemed too ambitious throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in America. Many ethnic groups between 1865 and