This paper examines both Jean-Jacques Rousseau and James Madison remark concerning ‘ factions ’ as the potential destructive social force to the society.To layout and examine, this paper will first outline and discuss on Rousseau’s understanding of factions in The Social Contract,and Madison’s discussion on factionalism in the Federalist Papers 10.But there are many component surrounded with their remark’s on ‘factions’,so it is important to consider together. Firstly,I will consider the definition and the element surrounded with their remark on ‘ factions ’. With regard to Jean-Jacques Rousseau in The Social Contract,he believed that the society could only function to the extent that people had their interest in common.And …show more content…
On the other hand, Rousseau, his view of the problem of factionalism started from a conception that the factionalism would affect to the discernment of the general will of the people,then,the interest of the society as a whole would not attain if the general will was contaminate with faction. Secondly,I will consider the solution that they use to deal with the problem arising from fraction. Both of them raised distinctly different solutions to deal with,however,they had a common intent to quell against the faction. With regard to Rousseau’s view ,the solution which was able to deal with the problem arising from fraction was the direct democracy. As the consensus of the voter was based his decision on the checks and balances of many minds.Thus,its outcome would lead to the general will of the people and the the interest of the people as a …show more content…
Unlike with the representative that the outcome of one district did not direct variation to other districts. Moreover,representative democracy,for for Madison, created a buffer between those who in a direct democracy may make poor decisions, and the educated elite who understood the true interests of the citizen and the
He says that a democracy in its roots is a breeding ground for factions. A democracy is too free, he says, and men left alone to govern themselves will inevitably create factions because of the reasons previously stated. He says “there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual.” However, the government set up by the Constitution is a Republic. A Republic, he argues, must have not too many but also not too few representatives to control factions.
James Madison and the Making of America SECTION ONE - VOCABULARY Strenuously (Adj) - Using or requiring great extent Dubious (Adj) - Hesitating or doubting Cessions (Noun) - The formal giving up of rights, property or territory, especially by a state Acquiescence (Noun) - The reluctant acceptance of something without a protest Enumerated (Verb) - Mention (a number of things) one by one Veneration (Noun) - Great respect; reverence Insurmountable (Adj) - Too great to overcome
• Politicians who patronizes the species of government have reduced the mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights. • Madison explains the difference between democracy and republic. There are two main difference between them, I. First, the delegation of the government is small number of citizens elected by the
1. How does James Madison describe "factions"? James Madison describes “factions” as a number of citizens (could be of majority or minority of society) who are in unity over a common impulse, passion, or an interest. The thing could be a permanent and aggravated interest of the community as a whole.
which citizens under law are as free as in the state of nature. However, within the household, he held, the man must rule and the woman must submit to this rule. Rousseau also maintained that women must be trained from the beginning to ‘serve’ and to ‘submit’ to men. Since the essence or spirit of being fully human was for Rousseau being free from submission to the will of another, women were to be denied the essential condition for being fully human. Rousseau felt that if women were accorded equality with men in the household which was the only domain open to them, it would bring about the dissolution of society.
Clearly visible in his written works, James Madison’s vision of politics centers around the self-interest of the individual. Although this is especially prevalent in the 18th century, a time when the fight for independence was the main focal point of the country, it was not the only form of politics. A contrasting voice to Madison can be heard from people, such as Thomas Jefferson, who radically stressed the importance of revolution and being a moving force for the entire community. Despite the fact both of these men were influential in the founding and legacy of the United States, their political approaches did slightly differ based on their perceptions of human nature and motivations behind human interest. This can also still be seen in the 21st century, where different schools of thought, such as liberalism and conservatism, are still widely debated in the political realm.
Madison first defines the “violence of faction” as he explains that governments often make decisions by the “superior force of an interested and overbearing majority” instead of according to the “rules of justice.” In framing this situation, he explains the issue that majority factions or parties in governments have, in the past, had the ability to rule without consideration of minority parties. Outlining possible solutions for this problem, Madison continues to explain that the causes of parties cannot be removed without destroying people’s freedom to make their own choices. This destruction would counter Madison’s purpose of removing factions in the first place, as it would inhibit people’s liberty. Using this logic, Madison asserts an inevitability to the formation of parties and thus concludes that the government must instead control their effects by either preventing “the same passion or interest in a majority” or controlling the “number and local situation” of the majority.
In the history of modern philosophy, a lot of philosophers have raised and discussed the question of when and how a society first came into place. The most important theory related to that was, “The Social Contract Theory” discussed by Thomas Hobbes, John Locke and Jean Jacques Rousseau and one of the major critiques against it was by David Hume in “Of the Original Contract”. In this paper, I will present Hume’s arguments against the social contract theory, how his views might apply to Locke’s, then Locke’s response to Hume’s argument and finally present my argument of why I agree with Hume. In “Of The Original Contract”, David Hume provides arguments as to why he believes that the social contract theory does not justify the establishment of a state.
The Core Principles of the Federalist 10 and the Communist Manifesto Federalist 10 and the Communist Manifesto, the most notable works of James Madison and Karl Marx respectively, present different socio political theories that defend government structures that were fairly atypical for their times. These theories are well known as they are two radically different approaches to solving and identifying the cause of political corruption by analyzing historical patterns of failed governments. These documents have differed causes and solutions of said political corruption, but can be outlined by four main principles; classicism, oppression, staple chaos, and equality.
Rousseau’s his political philosophies flows through his moral philosophies. In order to understand this better, let me begin by explaining in details both his moral and political philosophies ROUSSEAU’S MORAL PHILOSOPHY- Rousseau was of the one of the very few thinkers who felt that human beings are good by nature but it is the society that corrupts them. He necessarily talks about three components that form the basis of Rousseau’s moral psychology- amour de soi, amour propre and pitie. All these three elements have developed well in Emile and in Discourse on the Origin of Inequality.
The first difference is who should the General Will be determined to. In Rousseau’ opinion, the social contract would not exclude anyone, and would “receive each member as an indivisible part of the whole” (Rousseau 8). However, in contrast to Rousseau’s “whole society,” Sieyes indicated that the Third Estate in France represented everything. The first reason why Sieyes stated so was that the First and the Second Estate were “like ravenous wolves,” who could not think of anything “but subduing and enslaving their neighbors” (Rousseau 107) while the Third Estate was the ones who carried out the work that sustained society (Lualdi 113). The second reason was that the nobles had all kinds of privileges and exemptions, “and even rights that are distinct from the rights of the great body of citizens” (Lualdi 115); therefore, they should be excluded from the common law.
Both John Locke (1632-1734) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) were early modern social theorists who promote reason and freedom as an important component in political community. They shared a lot of thoughts on early childhood education. Both of them believe that children love freedom and power, and that is the most important way to raise children. However, they took different directions on their views. What are the similarities and differences between their thoughts or views on early childhood education (0-8 years of age)?
In the United States, people always talk about freedom and equality. Especially they want elections could be more democratic. In American Democracy in Peril, Hudson’s main argument regarding chapter five “Election Without the People’s Voice,” is if elections want to be democratic, they must meet three essential criteria, which are to provide equal representation of all citizens, to be mechanisms for deliberation about public policy issues, and to control what government does. Unfortunately, those points that Hudson mentions are what American elections do not have. American elections do not provide equal representation to everyone in the country.
Cumulative voting is a voting system that has multiple winners to promote proportional representation, opposed to a ‘winner- take- all’ system. Predominantly found in corporate governance, it was used in the late 19th century England, also to elect the Illinois House of Representatives. Another approach to cumulative voting, described as ‘multi-voting’, has been used by group facilitators to prioritize options generated by brainstorming. Cumulative voting can also helps minorities, making them a stronger unit all together to alter the outcome.
How does Rousseau conceive the relationship between democracy and freedom? What are the main merits of and problems with his approach? Although the Social Contract promises freedom to the members of the state this freedom does not automatically include democracy. Democracy is suggested as a possible form of government alongside aristocracy and monarchy whereas today it is arguable that democracy is seen as the only form which denotes a free people.