The introduction of Tocqueville in the Ottoman Empire by Ariel Salzmann is an application of the concepts that Tocqueville has developed such as Ancien Régime to understand the semblance between pre revolutionary France and the Ottoman old regime . Tocqueville questions why did France cohere and the Ottoman Empire fall apart if their policies and institutional patterns were similar in character and close in timing ? Hence Tocqueville haunts the social scientific imagination of the Ottoman past as he uses comparison study to make sense of political change and the regimes in transition now that the Ottoman Studies have begun to overcome their isolated methodological frame of reference. To do so Salzmann promotes circulating analytical concepts as well as seeks to construct interpretations derived from current state of Ottoman historiography while reexamining the paradoxes that obliterate the past and remain as obstacles to understand modern political paths. In my opinion the study which Salzmann presents focuses mainly on the fiscal governance and she could have included different functions of the old regime and the eruption of modernity .
The Neo-Ottomans argue that by changing our language from Ottoman to Turkish severed our routs from Ottoman culture. There are some for and against arguments on language and alphabet reform. There are some examples; For me, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu is a Neo-Ottomanist. Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu was a congressman of CHP - MHP coalition. He wrote a lot of books about Ottomanism and Ottoman Empire.
In this paper, the concept ‘Early Modern’ will refer to the period approximately from 16th century to 18th century, which is one of the most commonly accepted periodization among western scholars in general. As noted by Hailwood (2016), this does not mean that the definition of the early modern period in this essay will exactly be from the year 1501-1800, but rather the periodization is to make the discussion more to the point. Likewise, the concept ‘Europe’ in this paper will be the wide one, including the Balkans and Turkey. In the same way, political ‘power’ is a disputed term as well. This essay will adopt the definition by Dahl (1957, pp.202-203), for whom power is described as below: ‘A has power over B to the extent that he can get B to do something that B would not otherwise do’.
Murray Forsyth identifies three main areas in the federalist theory that influenced debates on European integration . The first is based on the ideas of Immanuel Kant, who supported the expansion of the federation as the most acceptable constitutional protection against the threat of war. The second direction is connected with the democratic theory which concerns a guarantee of effective governance in the democratic state, when the power is as close as possible to the population. The third direction is based on studying of federalist tendencies and processes that assumes the analysis of prerequisites and social dynamics that stimulate the results at all federal
Kadı Pervane character in the movie is a most likely fictional equivalent of the vizier of Seljuk Sultanate of Rum, Pervane Muineddin. When the life of Pervane Muineddin is researched, it is not too hard to estimate that Pervane Muineddin inspired the scenarist to create Kadı Pervane character. He represents an example of corrupted old Seljuk bureaucracy and tries to move away from politically divided central Anatolia hinterland and to find a new position in a newly founded frontier state. Anonymous Ottoman chronicles indicates the arrival and appearance of qadıs and scholars, but mostly at the time of Murat I and Bayezid the Thunderbolt, and these chronicle writers are mostly accused of qadıs and scholar due to oppression and corruption in the country. Therefore, the arrival of a qadı from the Seljuk hinterland to Ottoman frontier state is possible in terms of the historical context of the early
Later in the eighteenth century, under Catherine II, Peter’s companion in imitating Europe by giving Russia as she puts it “a more European appearance”, some reforms, such as the “Instruction” or “Nakaz” was put forward. She asserted equality in law to be essential for individual liberty and the rule of law for internal administration- the principles that were founded on Montesquieu and other French philosophers at that time. Nevertheless, she understood the limits of her ambitions by emphasizing the local culture, which should
Besides, he had a firm grasp over the historical evolution of diplomacy. In his study, The Congress of Vienna (November 1814-June 1815), he states that Foreign Policy is based upon a general conception of national requirements and this conception derives from the need of self-preservation; diplomacy on the other hand is not an end but a means, it is the agency through which foreign policy seeks to attain its purpose by agreement rather than war. What should be the Relationship between “Diplomacy” and Foreign Policy? In my
When the Ottoman Empire entered the war in 1914, it was allied with the Central Powers. According to History, the Ottoman Empire ended in 1922 when the name Ottoman Sultan was eliminated. Then Turkey was considered a republic in 1923 (History Staff). The Ottoman Empire was a strong and well rounded Empire until it quickly fell apart in WW1. The Ottoman Empire, as well as many others, have shown in history that a great power can fall to
Abstract As van Dijk said in 1998, Critical Discourse Analysis basically concerns itself with the study, dissection and thorough analysis of words in texts. Those words may either be written or spoken. The main idea behind this is to out the blatant truth about power, dominance, inequality and bias. Furthermore, it helps to investigate these sources and determine the ways in which the texts are misinterpreted on social, political and historical levels. This paper studies the influential tactics of the President of United Sates’ (Obama) community discourse other than the hidden thought of the same, preserved in his inaugural discourse.
Pinter also became President of the Friends of Turkey in UK. Such active involvement in political issues propelled him in writing The Mountain Language in 1988. The play offers suppression of any views in contrast with political orthodoxy. Pinter asserts to Mel Gussow that this play is about the suppression of language, and to him it is as relevant in England as it is in Turkey (Conversation with Pinter, 85). The main concern for Pinter in the creation of such plays was a protest against injustice and demonstration about the abuse of power.