Fiscal Federalism: Power of the Provinces versus Equitable Programs
Fiscal Federalism and Equalization in Canada thoroughly catalogues the dynamics of Canada’s federal government and the provinces in relation to equalization payments and the equitable distribution of public services. The book examines the unequal distribution of services in Canada and attempts to offer solutions drawing on foreign federations with equalization payments and comparing the differences. However, as Canada is unique in the amount of autonomy the provinces individually hold, the relationship that the provinces have towards the federal government severely impacts the applicability of foreign systems to address the equity of services. In addition, the inequity of the
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In the case of the Canada Social Transfer, the requirement is simply not to apply residency requirements to citizens to qualify as the Canada Health Transfer only requires the province to minimally comply with the Canada Health Act of 1984 (8-9). They introduce two terms such as the vertical fiscal gap and the horizontal fiscals gap. The vertical fiscal gap is the gap between the ratio of the federal government’s tax revenue and expenditure versus the provincial governments’ tax revenues and expenditures. This gap has enabled the provinces to continually increase the amount of federal funding that they receive, or in the case of lack of funding, to create an antagonist against the unavailability to perform certain provincial social responsibilities due to the lack of funding, thus weakening the political power of the federal government in negotiating equalization payments in favour of the provinces. The horizontal fiscal gap refers to the provinces’ own differences in ability to raise revenue such as the natural resources in provinces like Alberta or impressive industry and citizens of provinces such as Ontario. The …show more content…
There is also the individual wants of the constituents themselves varying between households with certain provinces offering differing programs, there is an incentive for the household to migrate to the area that is offering services and incentive for the province to attract the families that the province needs by offering relative services (54-55). This is called Fiscally Induced Migration, where people migrate to achieve a higher wage or better public services. In the case of better public services, under a decentralized equalization system there are certain to have areas where a public service will be of a better quality than another area in Canada. When this area attracts migration from the lower quality service area, the stress on the higher quality service area goes up, potentially decreasing the quality of that service. While in Fiscal Federalism it can be considered a negative thing, and by all accounts it does decrease from the most good available, it promotes equity in the service by lowering the quality of the higher quality service area and simultaneously decreasing the stress on the lower quality service area which would promote its raise so that the two areas become closer to the mean. What the equalization payments enable is that in the case of inefficient migration where the
Newfoundland made the right decision in joining Canada in 1949 because in return they were given the promise of prosperity and security due to family allowance, higher standards of living and relief of debt. When Newfoundland joined Confederation, it was by far the the poorest province. Billions of dollars of equalization payments later and investments into the province by the Federal Government, now means Newfoundland is richer than the average Canadian province and has not qualified for equalization payments since 2008. The first reason why Newfoundland made the right decision in joining Canadian Confederation was because Canada relieved Newfoundland of the financial debt burdening it.
The first thing that separated CAP from past social welfare programs relates to the dominant place that the norms of program administrators occupied in its development (Dyck, 1979). Program administrators of CAP were positioned to work in collaboration with one another and maintain frequent communication with one another on a nearly daily basis. A second thing that separated CAP from previous social welfare programs was its initiatives, which stemmed largely from the provinces, rather than from the federal government (Dyck 1979). That is to say, the provinces were largely responsible for making decisions about which services to provide and what levels of financial assistance to allow as part of the program. A third feature of CAP’s development was the attitude of federal officials towards the provinces (Dyck 1979).
Perhaps the most unsettle period in Canadian political history, the Quebec Referendum of 1980 and a vote to the remain part of Canada, led Ottawa to initiate a balancing program to promote Charter Rights, while protecting Quebec’s language and culture. The Meech Lake and the Charlottetown Accord were developed to address this situation. However, through a compare and contrast it can be deduced that the Charlottetown Accord provided the best balance for Charter Rights and Quebec’s need for a distinct society clause. During the 1960’s Quebec began to argue that it was a distinct society due to their language, culture and history.
To begin with, it bases the evaluation of each region’s entitlement largely on objective variables, thus avoiding excessive bargaining by the regional governments. Thus it increases fairness of the distribution outcome. Next, if properly designed it can eliminate the disincentive inherent in many discretionary systems that encourage low tax efforts and overspending of the sub-national governments. Above all, among other things, a formula based transfer system creates equity among the regional governments and provides an effective means to address regional disparity. Despite all these benefits the development and implementation of the formula is never an easy task.
Joe Smallwood had led the campaign for Confederation for Newfoundland. He became the first premier of the tenth province. The decision to join had not been an easy one for Newfoundlanders. It came after several years of debate on their political future.
Hitler's instigation of World War 2 presented many years of hardship and suffering for Canadians at home and abroad. These 6 years did not come with ease, and they were made even more difficult by the citizens still recovering from The Great Depression. Fortunately, throughout all of this hardship, a few silver linings presented themselves. Which is why the WW2 period demonstrated a time of progress in Canada. It was because of the Liberation of the Netherlands, the Welfare State, and Women's progress that gave Canadians a way through it all.
In the book Canada continuity and Change, and sources, shows that before 1969 the immigration was not allowed in the country that much, by in the 1970s many Canadians felt the immigration policy needed to be changed. Many Canadians believed that immigration should choose immigration based on the need for workers with specific skills, it does not matter which country people were from. In 1976, the Canadian government created new immigration policy, which is the point system. Immigration who left their country in critical situation the Point System was not fair, for the following reason. Firstly, it’s was not fair, in the point system one of the points that you must had a relative or family member in Canada, but for
Canada and the U.S. have many similarities but just as many differences and vastly different economies, at least for the current moment. If we do switch to a market economy good and bad things may happen. I’m going to show what is good about an economy with government intervention while showing the downsides as well. That is the benefits of having a mixed economy and its disadvantages as well. After that, I’ll give my opinion of what might be the best option and why.
As a head of our government, the leader of our nation and the individual that Canadians look to for change and prosperity, the Prime Minister (next to the Governor General of Canada) holds the greatest amount of governing power. Democratic parliamentary systems like the one in Canada, compromise with their general population in order to give the people a voice within government. It is important to understand how the parliamentary system works in order to understand what administrative powers the Prime Minister executes and whether they are effective or not. The presence of a responsible government ensures Canadians that the governing body is an elected assembly instead of having a monarch in power. The Prime Minister, citizens of Canada, as
Heath and Low Socioeconomic Status Class When examining the health status of Canadians, one may not recognize the flaws of inequality. When looked into further is it evident that not all Canadians are on equal playing fields when it comes to access of health. The concept of social determinant of health, taps into the idea that there are social barriers and obstacle in our society that present challenges for certain social groups and their access to health care. One group of Canadians who experience the effects of inequality in our health care system, are those individuals living in lower socioeconomic status.
The Canadian Confederation of 1867 had a huge impact on Canada as it stands today. The government of today is affected by the decisions made in the past. The Canadian Confederation was a federal union made between the British North American provinces/colonies, the province of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New brunswick. They formed the Dominion of Canada.
316). Rocher draws upon the same historical timeline as Trudeau when he alludes to the period of modernization in Quebec after WWII, however he focuses on the distribution of autonomy and responsibility to provinces for managing their own institutions separate from the central government (p. 316). The transfer of health care, education, social services, and economic development was representative of the pragmatism of the constitution and the sharing of jurisdictions between regional and central governments (p. 316). Although there is no mention of the role of nationalism by Rocher, he thoroughly mentions the role the central government plays in ensuring national unity, he describes the position of the federal government as “having to consult, coordinate and, inevitably, compromise in the face of mounting federal-provincial conflict”, this is connected to the discussion of compromise between the central and regional governments described by Trudeau (p.
The parliamentary system that has been established within Canada, despite the pros and cons of the system, is still one of the best political structures for government. It is clearly superior to the United States Congressional system on the three following levels: Fusion of powers (allowing more coherence), the solidity of the responsible government set forth by Canadian administration as well as the doctrine of party discipline. Together, they enable the Prime Minister to have greater power since he is chosen from the legislative but also must have the House of Commons’ vote of confidence which enables greater consistency (and faster decision-making) between branches of government as the legislative and executive are fused together. A strict
Interactions amid the provinces and the federal government, from constitutional issues to the most irresistible topics bang up-to-date in the country, are indemnified beneath the umbrella of “Federalism”. Authorities are shared so that on some matters, the state governments are decision-holders, whereas on the other matters, national government grasps the autonomy. In last twenty-five years, the upsurge of federal fiats on both governments, local and state, has shifted the power amongst state and national governments. Now, the national government is beginning to have more governance over the state’s engagements.