In his work he proposed the creation of supranational European federation in order to bind the countries in such a way that it would be impossible to start a next war. His main goal was a sustainable peace. The “magic formula” that Spinelli introduces is the adoption of a Constitution that would define the role of the government. There are also people who were criticizing federalism. One of the critiques is that it would lead to reduction of national state power.
(Estella, 2002) Along with the principle of proportionality, the principle of subsidiarity governs the exercise of the EU’s competences. The notion of the subsidiarity principle is based on matters of distribution of powers between different levels of authority. Within the European Union the idea of subsidiarity aims to bring the decision-making process as close to the citizens as possible and initially was incorporated into the Treaties to balance the Union’s broaden competence. (EU Commission report 1993) The idea of subsidiarity is opposed to unnecessary centralization that the political powers often seek. It doesn’t entail the loss of the social sense or individualism.
The task has however been made impossible by methodological nationalism, which has subsumed the society under the nation-state. Cosmopolitanism must not be confused with globalization. Even though they both express basic concepts of dualism, such as domestic and foreign, which have become ambiguous of late. Due to this ambiguity, cosmopolitan turn is thus necessary for understanding the global that we live toady. The methodological cosmopolitanism will open the up the horizon by demonstrating how man can make the empirical investigation of boundary crossings and other phenomena that relate to transformation
His theoretical contribution was termed ‘neorealism’ or ‘structural realism’ because he emphasized the notion of ‘structure’ in his explanation. Rather than a state’s decisions and actions being based on human nature, they are arrived at via a simple formula. First, all states are constrained by existing in an international anarchic system (this is the structure). Second, any course of action they pursue is based on their relative power when measured against other states. So, Waltz offered a version of realism that recommended that theorists examine the characteristics of the international system for answers rather than delve into flaws in human nature.
Liberals argue that international institutions like the UN allow for a seemingly convenient platform for states to communicate directly with each other and on a global scale. Hence, cooperation will be fostered as common interests among states can be found such that the antagonistic nature of state relations prevalent in realism could be replaced with a more superficial one that is conducive to establishing world peace. Also, international institutions allow for collective security, where states do not respond unilaterally to an aggressor but “automatically join together to present the aggressor with the threat of overwhelming force”, and that victim states have the confidence that the international community will come to their aid. These arguments are supported by the fact that the UN consists of 193 member states, almost all the sovereign states in the world, all with representatives housed in a single General Assembly that would in theory allow for ease of communication and mutual understanding that would lead to greater cooperation. Also, regional groupings or more loosely based coalitions like the G77 have sprouted to enhance individual states’ negotiating position vis-à-vis the greater powers in the UN.
Watson argues against the notion that the interactions between the independent states in IR is far from possibility. He says the existence of a dominant power always exercise hegemonial authority thereby creating a norms under which independent states interact with each other. This conceptual framework of states existing under certain prescribes norms finds relevant in the contemporary IR more likely after the Treaty of Westphalia. This hegemonic world order needs to be explained from an approach which best predicts events and affairs in the international system. Looking at the larger factors concerning
Besides, he had a firm grasp over the historical evolution of diplomacy. In his study, The Congress of Vienna (November 1814-June 1815), he states that Foreign Policy is based upon a general conception of national requirements and this conception derives from the need of self-preservation; diplomacy on the other hand is not an end but a means, it is the agency through which foreign policy seeks to attain its purpose by agreement rather than war. What should be the Relationship between “Diplomacy” and Foreign Policy? In my
Kenneth Waltz, who is considered to be the founder of neo- or structural realism, based his arguments on system theories. The international system, as he claimed, “is generated by the interactions of its principal parts” (i.e. dominant states) (Waltz 1979, 72), which in turn would shape the behavior of small states. Arnold Wolfers and James Rosenau had similar assumptions on small states’ foreign policy. Wolfers argues that the necessity to analyze the internal decision making and domestic politics is more crucial while studying the foreign policy of great powers, while Rosenau highlights the international environment as more of an important factor to consider in analyzing the foreign policy of small states due to the importance of systemic factors (Elman 1995,
The European experience has been important and visible enough to attract, by itself, the attention that made it de facto a model of regional integration for many, and an incentive to attempt to pursue similar paths. This is not to say that the EU has been active in promoting and support regional integration, and to some extent actively contributed to export its model. Part 5- Implication for Mauritius if COMESA adopted the EU Model The last part of the essay will analyze the implications for Mauritius in the event COMESA adopted any or some of the features of the European Model and the impediments which stand in achieving this. The advantages and disadvantages that would results from Mauritius membership of COMESA if it adopts more EU like model in full. A critical assessment of whether such model would be most appropriate and/or achievable for COMESA.
Critical geopolitical scholars now acknowledge that their approaches to world politics are self-consciously situated within a body of conceptual and methodological assumptions about the world. The theories on world politics are not detached from the world we seek to describe and explain, and by acknowledge this point critical theorists may contribute to the development of practical ideas regarding progressive social and political change and how it can be promoted (see Table