The establishment of the Constitution after the failed Articles of Confederation remains a source of controversy among American citizens even in modern times. In his essay “The Hope of the Framers to Recruit Citizens to Enter Public Life,” Jack N. Rakove accurately argues that the Constitution was meant to be an avenue for the people to enter into and be involved in politics, and for the government to be involved in the peoples’ lives in order to ensure a non-autocratic future for the new nation. An element of the Constitution through which the Framers ensured the freedom and political participation of American citizens was the Bill of Rights. “The principal result of the ratification debates was the acceptance of an idea that the framers …show more content…
Young in his essay “The Pressure of the People on the Framers of the Constitution,” have argued that the accommodations for the people to be involved in the government written in the Constitution were only established because the authors felt pressured by popular opinion, not because they felt that was the way the government should operate. Young argues that , “To last it[the Constitution] had to conform to the “genius” of the American people.” The assumption that the delegates who established the Constitution were “forced” to give common citizens a voice in the new government can be proven wrong when examining John Rakove’s quote. “Decisions on other provisions also worked to remove formal barriers against election to the legislature. Instead of requiring a congressman to be “resident” in his state for a fixed period of years, the convention agreed that he need only be an “inhabitant” of the state at the time of election.” Also, “On balance, then, the principal concern of the framers was not to limit access to national office to those who were most conspicuously qualified to occupy it, but rather to open up the process of political recruitment in the hope that better men would be moved to enter public life and prove capable of achieving electoral success.” Thus, it is apparent that the framers genuinely wanted the people to take part in the government, and did not make that decision based on the pressure of popular
unilaterally expand the definition of “waters of the United States,” thereby expanding their jurisdictional powers, coupled with their control every aspect of the permitting process, including the discretion to decide whether to refer a violation for prosecution, and allowing the Corps to make unreviewable quasi-jurisdictional determinations as to whether a particular parcel of property is subject to its jurisdiction under the CWA, the Corps and EPA, in effect, are the judge, jury and executioner. The structural limits on the exercise of constitutional power were not proposed because the founders were “anti-government” or as a way to upset democratic self-governance. The framers of the Constitution understood the need for a national government
Kaitlyn Glover AP US Government Period 1 How Democratic is the American Constitution? Critical Book Review In his book How Democratic is the American Constitution? Robert A. Dahl evaluates the scope of democracy that the American Constitution creates and compares our ultimate governing document to those of multiple other democratic nations around the world. His goal is not to change the Constitution itself but rather to change people’s perception of it.
Question 1: Based on what is know of the colonies and their self-government, why would written constitutions and representative government appeal to state citizens and the Founding Fathers? The written constitution appealed to the founding fathers because they understood for the new nation to be successful the nation would essentially need a set of rules. As for why representative government appealed to the people is because of past experiences. The colonies has no representation in parliament and this would also be one of the reasons the colonies would want to break away from England.
Within all democracies, a government’s power and sovereignty lie with its citizens. Undoubtedly, there lies an importance with the virtue and character of the citizenry, as they are inherently responsible for dictating the direction of a government’s policy and laws. Over the course of American history, many politicians and scholars have come to similar conclusions regarding the importance of moral citizens. However, statesmen have shared varying levels of concern for government’s role in developing such citizens. Some of the first groups to debate this were the Antifederalists and Federalists.
History Midterm Paper Why are today’s politicians compared to the founding figures that built this nation’s government? The answer to this question perhaps lies in the book “Revolutionary Characters: What Made the Founders Different” by: Gordon Wood. This book gives readers an insight on some of this nation’s founding fathers, and how they came to be so memorable. Wood’s main point in writing this book is to show the readers how character is of the utmost importance for these different leaders of the new transforming government.
After a fiercely fought revolution, the newly independent American nation struggled to establish a concrete government amidst an influx of opposing ideologies. Loosely tied together by the Articles of Confederation, the thirteen sovereign states were far from united. As growing schisms in American society became apparent, an array of esteemed, prominent American men united in 1787 to form the basis of the United States government: the Constitution. Among the most eminent members of this convention were Alexander Hamilton, Aaron Burr, James Madison, and Thomas Jefferson. These men, held to an almost godly stature, defined the future of the nation; but were their intentions as honest as they seemed?
It was November 15th of 1777 that our Nation’s founding fathers created the Articles of Confederation, a now worn down sheet of paper made up of the first Government’s functions, priorities to put first to ensure complete independence in a haze of new found chaos. A group of men including Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and John Dickinson, would help contribute to the writing process of this document, recreating multiple amounts of drafts before March 1st of 1781, where it was then declared official. Although important in the teachings of our history, the reign of the Articles lasted just 7 years when in September, 1788, due to an abundance of issues, the aforementioned was replaced by what we know as the U.S. Constitution. There were several problems that accommodated in making the Articles of Confederation a poor form of government, such as having an absence of a Court System, no Treaties, no Laws, and to sum it all, having just about nothing that would help a nation grow and move forward in the right direction. However, after listing more than two examples of a poor governments symptoms, only two seem more important to me…”No power to enforce laws”, and “No
Conceived from the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, 55 delegates formulated a governing document that replaced and surpassed the Articles of Confederation in all of its shortcomings, establishing a separation of powers, limited government, and the guarantee of the rights of a citizen. Evident in its ambiguous language, brevity, and overall intent, the Constitution is a living, ever-evolving document that sets forth a set of principles on which America was founded and thrives upon. The notion of a living Constitution ensures the representation of Americans today, the relevance of the text, an applicable doctrine to any and all court cases, and flexibility in terms of enacting what would be seen as unconstitutional under a strict interpretation
The main purpose of this chapter is to determine the Founding Fathers’ motives for creating the Constitution by analyzing a secondary source by Woody Holton, and several primary sources. Frist, I will begin with the secondary source, “Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution” by Woody Holton. Mr. Holton’s main purpose was to locate the motivation behind the Constitution in developments in the states (page 90). Mr. Holton addressed several grievances for possible motives of the Founding Fathers’. First, the excessive democracy that acerbated many Americans, the runaway inflation caused by the farmers who were allowed to satisfy their debt to creditors with property and good instead of hard currency, and the Revolutionary War that
Introduction: Line of Inquiry: This text set intends to reenact the United States Constitution with specific language, used by the signers George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Benjamin Franklin about the sacrifices and actual drama it took to start of our nation’s governmental system.. A quote from author Lynne Cheney’s book We the People, The story of our Constitution, “At length I have the happiness to know that it is a rising and not a setting sun” (p.28), will help to guide students understanding with close readings from the Constitution. Moreover, the first three words, in the Constitution “We the people.” is the greatest phrase from this founding document which allows students to better appreciate the history and premise of what
In his essay ‘The founding fathers: a reform caucus in action', John P. Roche describes the Founding Fathers as practical politicians that were indeed acting on behalf the citizens they represented. Roche states the founding fathers kept in mind everyone's rights while making the Constitution. He explains how James Madison drafted the Virginia Plan. Roche describes it as a ‘Political Masterstroke'.
Beard, and the argument was that the constitution created in 1787 allowed the rich and powerful to maintain their wealth (Palmer, P.172). However, Palmer uses another author, Robert Brown to disprove Beard’s theory. The theory was that the upper class in the United States was less “ caste-conscious” than in Europe (Palmer, P.172). This lack of consciousness made it so the upper class was able to work with the rest of the country to govern because both had the common goal of independence (Palmer. P.172). Palmer gives the example of George Mason, a very wealthy man from Virginia who advocated for giving representation to the lower class.
The Constitution—the foundation of the American government—has been quintessential for the lives of the American people for over 200 years. Without this document America today would not have basic human rights, such as those stated in the Bill of Rights, which includes freedom of speech and religion. To some, the Constitution was an embodiment of the American Revolution, yet others believe that it was a betrayal of the Revolution. I personally believe that the Constitution did betray the Revolution because it did not live up to the ideals of the Revolution, and the views of the Anti-Federalists most closely embodied the “Spirit of ‘76.” During the midst of the American Revolution, authors and politicians of important documents, pamphlets, and slogans spread the basis for Revolutionary ideals and defined what is known as the “Spirit of ‘76”.
Justice Thurgood Marshall Response Justice Thurgood Marshall said in his “Reflections on the Bicentennial of the United States Constitution”, “I do not believe the meaning of the Constitution was forever ‘fixed’ at the Philadelphia Convention. Nor do I find the wisdom, foresight, and sense of justice exhibited by the framers particularly profound. To the contrary, the government they devised was defective from the start, requiring several amendments, a civil war, and momentous social transformation to attain the system of constitutional government and its respect for the individual freedoms and human rights, that we hold as fundamental as today” (Marshall). In this passage of his essay, Judge Marshall is critical of the government that is
1, 1996) and as designers (pp. 3, 1996). As a summary, he argues that despite the weaknesses of orignalism, their must’ve been a reason why people followed the doctrines for so long; he states that “we respect their opinions…that the framers’ advocated a particular idea…that merely did not reflect the will of the majority” (pp. 3, 1996). The way Barnett articulates his arguments is that unlike most laws wherein most of the time the “will of the majority” is taken into account, the US constitution itself cannot be a testament to the 1789 population because the doctrines continue to hold relevance even today (pp. 3, 1996). This is connected to his second view of framers as designers where he points to constitutions as blueprints for the state-machinery; he implies that similar to a sausage-making machine, the constitution (machine) checks whether each law (sausage) is suitable for consumption (pp. 4, 1996). Thus the implication for this allows constitutions to be relevant throughout history, although not necessarily as binding constructs, but as a tool of authority for law-making.