Lagos was the capital of Southern Nigeria. Meanwhile northbound, the idea of British ruling did not sit well among those who were ruling at the time. As a result, Frederick Lugard was given the position of high commissioner and commander-in-chief for the protectorate of northern Nigeria. Lugard was able to make Kano and Sokoto, 2 of the rulers of the northern part of
a CRITICAL TOPICAL REVIEW ASSIGNMENT Name Course Title Professors Name Institution Affiliation Date Critical Topic Review Introduction ‘On War' which is Carl von Clausewitz famous work, it is a prism on the essential understandings of the war theory. There are dominant political positions that he talks about to back his statement such as political situations being the basis of conflict, war's subordination as a tool of policy and war as a continuance for politics (Clausewitz 2008). To Clausewitz, the only way to comprehend war is in the framework of politics as he openly states that, "politics is the womb in which war develops, where its outlines already exist in their hidden rudimentary form, like
Shell and Elf’s withdrawal from the project, citing mostly environmental reasons among various others itself talks about the high impact this pipeline project was going to have on the environment. The risks and threats can be majorly classified as below – • Political risks: It is understood that ExxonMobil will have issues dealing with the Chad and Cameroon governments in general. Their structure is yet instable and
Chinua Achebe, in his widely cited book, "The Trouble with Nigeria" accurately pointed out that "the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership." Leading a multiple ethnic and religious society such as Nigeria, while staying dedicated to democratic principles is a tough task. This is because integrating numerous ethnic groups into one political system brings along the fundamental issues of ethnic battles. Change is constant in any society and it takes a devoted leadership to achieve a remarkable change in a society. Since 1960, Nigeria has experienced successive societal changes.
Accordingly, the onset of Boko Haram violence is to be blamed onto either the central government or the police as they have failed to exert enough control over their territory. Violence is thus the result of the emasculation of the state . The solution, then, is to bring order back by reinforcing local police control and containing the spread of violence. This was the most popular discourse within Nigeria in 2013 when Goodluck Jonathan launched ‘Operation Zaman Lafiyaas’ (later turned into ‘Operation Lafiya Dole’) against Boko Haram as it provided a justification to police violence and unauthorised killings in the North-East . Although it will be discussed in more length in Chapter Five, one of the many issues with this narrative is that it takes individual agency away from the police forces by depicting them as rule-driven, as the guardians of order always acting on behalf of the central
Eventually, its specificity compared to its Islamic forerunners is essentially its terrorist drift in a country which during the 1980s and the 1990s experienced a few attacks but until now no suicide bombing. The attack against the UN offices also marks a split. Indeed, the internalisation of the targets oblige to reconsider its modus operandi. Boko Haram remains the biggest security threat for Nigeria but also for its neighbours, with which borders are porous, involving as well to find rapidly new strategies to counter the movement which is not
What are the expectations of the Nigerian Local Content Act for its oil industry? To what degree do Chevron and Shell play along? To answer these questions stated above; the present academic literature will be a focus , as the will be reviewed and discussed to shade more light to the paper. 1.5 Significance of the study I have picked the Nigeria as a case for this study since Nigeria is the biggest oil producer in Africa, and host to several international oil companies in the Niger Delta region. Most African states are portrayed by insecurity, poor administration and one of the real causes is the presence and huge power the multinational oil enterprises enjoy in African nations.
As President Dwight D. Eisenhower famously observed years ago, t hat the era of separate warfare is over (Strachan 28). In spite of t he risk of reduced specialization, joint warfare holds the advantage of amalgama tion of efforts that would support one unit using another unit's strengths to cover the weakness. The threats currently faced in the world are rapidly changing. T here is a need to adapt new strategies that would be ready to effectively handle these risks. To begin with, nuclear, biological, chemical and r adiological weapons continue to pose the greatest risk to the safety of the plan et.
NAME: JEMINIWA DAMILOLA.I TOPIC: THE EFFECTS OF TERRORISM ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN NORTHERN NIGERIA: THE CASE STUDY OF BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY. CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background to the study: Terrorism has grown to become one of the biggest issues in the world and majority of the global crisis being experienced in the world at the moment can be attributed to terrorism. Although there is no universal definition on the term terrorism. Several scholars and organizations have attempted to define it. The US government defined terrorism as “a premeditated politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-combatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents.
independence from the British. Several days before the independence day, on 27th of August 1957, the first Federal Constitution of Malaya came into force. Then on the 16th of September 1963, the Constitution of Malaya was modified to fit the eleven states of the Federation of Malaya, Sarawak, Sabah, and the State of Singapore to form the Federation of Malaysia. However, in August 1965, Singapore left this newly-formed federation to become an independent republic. Brunei withdrew at the last minute.