John Rawls Theory Of Civil Disobedience

John Rawls defines civil disobedience as “a public, nonviolent, conscientious yet political act contrary to law... with the aim of bringing about a change in the law or policies of the government” (Rawls, 1999: 320). Before engaging in political disobedience, nevertheless, one must consider their justifications, such as, “its legality, its use as a last resort, any coordination with other dissenters, the likelihood of success, ... and the expected harm (Brownlee, 2013). Rawls’ liberal model of disobedience insists that civil disobedience can be justified - even in a nearly just society – only if it fulfills four conditions. The four conditions are the principle of injustice, the principle of last resort, and the principle of fairness and the probability of success (Rawls, 1999: 326-331). In Rawls’ liberal account for political disobedience, these four conditions are justified because they limit the majority rule to our fundamental human rights – liberty and equality (cited in Markovits, 2005: 1899).

In fact, natural and eternal law being a 'higher law' is the basis of King's philosophy of 'non-violent civil disobedience.' King views the segregation laws, a human law, to be in disagreement with natural and eternal law; therefore, he believes that these laws should not be followed. King writes, "Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality" ("Letter"). The first sentence is an appeal to 'higher law'; King claims if a law devalues someone, it is contrary to natural and eternal law, so the law cannot be just.

Part one: I strongly believe that judge Foster’s view is more persuasive. The judges should take into consideration the legislative intent when judges interpret and apply statutes due to the fact that words do not always show the intent that the legislative branch had when it created a statute. As a result, the goal of the statute will not be reached. The fact that words sometimes do not convey the real message of it is really important when it comes to criminal system. It will never be fair to punish a person when the judge knows that the words existing in the statute are not what the legislative branch intended to punish.

As an American, and a human service professional, my primary job is to address the hypocrisy and moral corruption and confliction of those individuals and systems who solely convey America’s constitutional banner, but neglects its moral practicality. Americans think that by making everyone equal, constitutively and legislatively, we would effortlessly develop a moral society. Morality assumes that people have advantages over others such physical wellness, as skin-pigmentation, sexual identification, autonomy from mental illness and it dictates that we do not take advantage of those who are disadvantaged. Systems and society at large should not use our differences to justify the unjustifiable: inhumanly treatment and exclusion of other humans.

Although some may think that it will be helpful, others will always be against it. Without usage restrictions made by the courts, several cases will come up that won’t be worth fighting. In the end, the usage of these devices is a violation of an individual’s 4th Amendment

Thoreau trusted that in light of the fact that legislatures are normally more unsafe than supportive, they hence can't be defended. Vote based system is not an answer for this, as greater parts basically by point of preference of being dominant parts don't additionally pick up the upside of astuteness and equity. The judgment of a singular's heart is not so much second rate compared to the choices of a political body or larger part, thus "it is not attractive to develop an admiration for the law, such a great amount with respect to one side. The main commitment which I have a privilege to expect is to do whenever what I think right.... Law never made men a whit all the more only; and, by method for their admiration for it, even the all around arranged are day by day made the operators of foul play." He includes, "I can't for a moment perceive as my legislature [that] which is the slave's administration moreover."

Here we have the classic dilemma between the spirit and the letter of the law, or, as Vere frames it, the conflict between conscience and law. Because laws exist to support the integrity of a society and because laws receive their strength from those who enforce them, logic calls for the equal and firm application of those laws. Traditionally, people think of justice as being blind, and for good reason: once the adjudicator begins to base his judgments on mitigating, particular, or personal circumstances and considerations, he threatens the very fabric of the law and, by extension, the very fabric of society. However, the firm application of the law means little if that law itself is unjust. Despite the logic of Captain Vere’s arguments, especially

When talking about an individual’s civil right to freedom, King explains that it is not voluntarily given but has to be demanded by those in which it affects as it is a constitutional and God given right. The laws that impede a man his basic right to freedom are unjust and they have a right as well as the responsibility to break those unjust laws. King describes unjust laws as unmoral and a “human law that is not rooted in eternal and natural law… Any law that degrades human personality is unjust.” (King 6). The unjust laws he is describing are those that segregate African Americans and Whites, that which denies the African Americans their right to be in the same room, to share the same items, to live in a world that was founded on freedom.

Civil disobedience is the active refusal to obey certain laws and demands of a government. People argue that going against the government is not right and that it is breaking the law. Although in some cases it may not be right, it does not mean it is breaking the law. The Declaration of Independence states, “... whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends,” meaning Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness then, “it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government…” (Bill of Rights Institute). The government should respect the people and provide safety and happiness.

One of the situations has to be immoral. Objection/Reply Someone who agrees with Hume might object to this argument by saying morality is not based solely on what is rational because people have feelings. He or she may say that people have feelings and are subjective, not objective (Hume). This means that we can’t base our moral code off of what an individual can will universally because that isn’t concrete if everyone has different opinions on what they can and can’t will. Things are also situational, so, even though you can’t will everyone to lie, you could possibly will everyone to lie for a good cause (Hume).

In other words, the reason why we have rights are to prevent majorities from changing things. Ely brought up disparate impact, which discusses that a policy may be considered discriminatory if it has disproportionate adverse impact against any group based on race, national origin, color, religion, sex, familial status, or disability. However, Baker v Carr did not bring up adverse impacts based on those claims, so this was not a matter of federal courts in that respect either. Additionally, Ely fails to explain how a group should be worthy of protection against disparate impact. Not all minorities should be protected, for example burglars, and for that reason, his description is ambiguous.

The arguments for strict Construction government Are formed against The View of the best people should rule versus a rule by the people. That the best possible government is one that governs least. Because a smaller government with limited powers is most likely to leave the people alone to enjoy the blessings of liberty. To keep the government small we would insist upon a strict construction or interpretation of the Constitution. the Constitution as we insist means exactly what it says no more and no less.

What I think about this is different. At some point we all have to stand up for something that is not right. In this type of situations is where you are able to see a person 's value. People do not always stand up for what they believe is right some for fear. Others because they just do not want to have problems with the law.

Political authority refers to the power of the state or government to create laws that are expected to be abided by, and in turn be able to prosecute those who disobey them. These laws are moral obligations meant to ensure the good functioning of societies, and are presumably essential to minimise conflicts. In political philosophy, we are concerned with the legitimacy of political authority due to its apparent conflict with individual liberties and moral autonomy as brought up by Wolff. (quote Wolff- it is incompatible for a subject to comply with the commands of an authority merely because it is the command of the authority and for the subject to be acting morally autonomously) This essay seeks to explicate on Locke’s justification of political