The land reform was one of the most important, if not the most crucial, step taken by the Chinese Communist Party in the struggle against feudalism. The aim of the reform was to take the land accumulated in the hands of the landlords and redistribute it to the poorer peasants (Fairbank 1992; Ladejinsky 1957; Liu 2006). The land belonging to rich peasants was not to be subjected to the confiscation and redistribution as the government wanted to preserve the rich peasant economy (Ladenjinsky 1957).
The first task, however, was to divide the rural population into following classes: landlords, rich peasants, middle peasants, poor peasants and farmhands (Fairbank 1992; Kung 2008). The classification to the last three classes was not a cause of controversies, but the criteria for being classified as a landlord or a rich peasant were less clear. James Kai-sing Kung in his article The
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As a result of the reform around 115-118 million acres or 43-44 percent of the cultivated acreage of the country was confiscated and redistributed (Ladenjinsky 1957; Kung, et al. 2012). Additionally, the houses, draft animals, agricultural implements, and foodstuffs were also taken away from the landlords and distributed among the peasants. As much as 90% of the entire rural population was affected by the reform (Ladenjinsky 1957; Kung, et al. 2012). However, Ben Stavis argues that since the land available for redistribution in China was very limited, it did not significantly increase the overall welfare of poor peasants (Stavis 1978). The estimates as to how many landlords were executed or killed during the process of land reform differ between 800,000 victims (a number mentioned by Mao Zedong in his report) to as high as 2,000,000 (Ladenjinsky 1957; Liu 2006; ). The land reform was also limited for economic reasons as the goal of the CCP was to not antagonize the rich peasants, whose support was needed to introduce further reforms (Stavis
For a society to run, there should be a proper balance in every other step and to maintain that there had to be certain classes which executed their activities as per the need of the society. So, it was totally fine to have the different level of classes. There are laws which would not let poor be affected easily unless they are the culprit and they would be compensated with money if they are not found guilty. It sounds even as each group was best represented in their own way.
[between the two races]”(Johnson 36). The narrator’s consideration of the third class includes “the independent workmen and tradesmen, and… educated colored people,”(Johnson 36) and he refers to them as the rich and well educated. He mentions that this class is “as far removed from the whites as the members of the first class [he] mentioned. ”(Johnson 36). The narrator's thoughts of the “desperate class” is viewed as disappointed or
The feudal exploitation had abolished and confiscated the land, animals, and grain of the landlords. The equal land distribution was promoted by Chinese communist party. Yet, even though Agrarian Reform Law had promoted, the outcome of this law is questionable because in 1950 Communist Party just gained the control of China, so there is a possibility that the party would not manage well the policy properly. In document 9, the picture shows that peasants gained
There were attempts by the rich to put the peasants back in their previous condition however it was unsuccessful and multiple revolts happened as a result. The peasants still struggled but they could now live better lives and there was less authority over them.
This fairly classless system changed, though, with the introduction of tobacco. Those with more land became richer, and part of a new upper class. They would hire indentured servants to work for them, and these indentured servants formed the lower class. Former indentured servants formed a sort of middle class. However, this class system was not unmoving.
In this review he argues against Kataoka’s claims that the resistance to Japan, especially in its urban impact, may be a more significant explanation of the CCP in the Chinese Civil War than Mao Tse-tun’s 1928 rural policy. Seybolt stats that without Mao focus and peasant support on the rural areas, the CCP would have never gain enough manpower or strength to stand toe to toe with Japan and the Nationalist in the first place. In Garver’s “The Origins of the Second United Front: The Comintern and the Chinese Communist Party,” is focused on the Comintern and its role in the formation of the CCP-KMT Second United Front. He argues that it is important to recognize and understand Moscow’s role during the pivotal year and a half prior to the Xian Incident, and especially of possible conflict between the Comintern and Mao Zedong, over the issue of a united front with Chiang Kai-shek. Lastly, Zhang and Weatherley’s “Owning up to the Past: The KMT’s Role in the War against Japan and the Impact on CCP Legitimacy,” examines the emerging debate in China over the true contribution made by the KMT in the war against
William Hinton, a born member of the Chinese communist reform force, states how peasants were challenging landlords and money lenders, and how “This increasingly explosive force transferred land from the landowners to the peasants”, as shown in Document 6. After the communist party advocated anti-Japanese sentiment, the peasants subsequently found the confidence to challenge landowners with the knowledge that the Japanese had been successfully defeated in part to the power the peasants held, and in part by communist motivation. This led to the breaking down of Chinese land owning infrastructure as peasants revolted. Hinton’s account of the events is very descriptive and as detailed as someone who lived in China during the time of the peasant revolts. Yet, as an American, he was not part of the peasant class and thus would not have been part of the revolts.
His agricultural reform successfully alternated the revolutionary beliefs of some of the peasants by passing a law to finally end redemption
This strategy designed (3) to prevent uprisings and clarify boundaries between the classes had an immediate and centuries-long era of peace and stability. If you were born a farmer, you died a farmer. (4) Segmenting Rural Peasant/urban Samarai populations provided the basis for a significant social balance in
Born in Vancouver 1921, John Porter shattered the conventional image of Canada as a classless society and demonstrated the ethical inequality within our culture. In his research book The Vertical Mosaic, he proved Canada to be a highly stratified society. Important to the development of Canadian sociology, The Vertical Mosaic, provided Canadians with a reality check, unveiling the fact that our projected image is opposite to factuality and revealed the discrimination within power in our society. Within our current capitalistic society, people tend to disregard class and Canada is still viewed as a middle class society with ethnic inequality still as a ruling issue.
" (page 228). Classes were based on education, wealth, and social status. While moving up to a higher class was difficult, "the examination system provided a modest measure of social mobility." (page 219).
For example, in China, Mao ordered the massacre of landowners who were not eager to cooperate with the collectivist agricultural policies imposed by the Communist
Contrary to the finding that “income inequality increases socio-political instability” (Alesina and Perotti, 1993, p. 18) current levels of inequality in China seems to have little impact on the societal status quo. Although China has experienced massive number of social protests, about 180,000 to 230,000 in 2010 alone (Gӧbel and Ong, 2012, p. 8), these protests are motivated by “abuses of power and other procedural justice issues, rather than being fueled by feelings of distributive injustice and anger at the rich” (Whyte, 2012, p. 6). According to a research paper funded by the European Union (Gӧbel and Ong, 2012, p. 36), income inequality is not among the top five motivations for social protests which include land disputes and environmental degradation. This data is evidently incompatible with a survey finding that income inequality is too great for 95% of Chinese as opposed to only 65% of Americans. Barring survey inaccuracy, high levels of inequality in China so far does not translate to dissatisfaction that leads to outright mass protests and instability.
Although this approach allowed the Qing to consolidate control over China with relatively few resources, it resulted in a fragile relationship between the government and local society with the
During China’s Cultural Revolution, a large proportion of urban youth were forced to go to the countryside as a result of the state’s “send-down” policy (Xie). This experience was distressing for some youngsters as it disrupted ordinary life and the process of educational attainment. Students couldn’t express their opinions or reason with the government’s decision, because they did not dare to question Mao’s authority, therefore they had no other option but to conform to the officials. Mao Zedong was the ultimate figure that impeded the students’ educational and career path. Parental social status or political capital did not spare youths in certain privileged classes from being sent down to the countryside (Xie).