In this essay I will firstly talk about the concepts of legality and legitimacy. Then I will present arguments on the side of legitimacy over law in international actions, followed by those against it, who emphasize that illegal activities should always be condemned. Both of these concepts relate to the U.S. military intervention in the Kosovo wars of 1999. The U.S. acted without approval from the UN, therefore making their actions illegal. Legitimacy should never surpass legality, because of its ambiguous nature and the potential consequences if it does.
The concept of legitimacy has only recently been taken into consideration in relative to international law. Firstly, as Thomas (2013) said “it is only comparatively recently that philosophers
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There are cases in which laws are servants only to themselves, effectively rendering legitimacy as non-existent. Legitimacy is needed in order to oversee laws, and to ensure that they are servants of their inherent purpose, which is to benefit the citizens which they govern. The current international law sometimes fails to correspond to impending global needs, especially in the case of humanitarian concerns. So, legality is a concept concept which corrects the shortcomings of international law. Such was the case in Kosova, when international law prevented an intervention from the international community, clearly manifesting the large gap between legitimacy and legality and effectively putting hundreds of thousand civilian lives in danger. As Mertus (2001) said, “even though the intervention was the first sustained use of armed force by the NATO alliance; the first time a regional alliance, acting without UN authorization, had used a bombing campaign against a sovereign country with the stated intent of ending human rights abuses;” (Mertus, 2001, p.133), the surpassing of international laws by legitimacy is not without a precedent. As Popovski & Turner (2008) said “the Nuremburg Tribunal which is a prime example when emergencies demand action which the existing law at the time is unable to explicitly permit. So, such actions can be …show more content…
However, while this serves member countries of the UN, it does not fare well with developing countries mostly in the east and south, which have an extensive colonial history and were subject to ruthless experiences during the Cold War. So, as Bali (2004) said “it is their point of view that interventionism, not its absence, represented the greater threat” (Bali, 2004, p.298). If we take as an example the region of East Timor in which during 1999, the same time the bombing of Belgrade occurred, the invasion of east Timor by Indonesia was under way. As Chomsky (2006) states, “The crimes in East Timor go vastly beyond Srebrenica or anything plausibly attributed to Serbia. And, crucially these crimes approaching true genocide were supported throughout by the United States and Britain” (Chomsky, 2006,
Legal history A system of rules that a particular country or community recognizes as regulating the actions of its members and may enforce by the imposition of penalties, this is the definition of law. Although the definition of law is evident and perceptible,the portrayal and act of law varies. Throughout the justice system there are many inconsistencies such as the type of law, there is common,criminal,civil, and administrative. Throughout these systems of law there are also criminal proceedings. In these criminal proceedings, some will find that the verdict is just.
In the rhetorical speech The Perils of Indifference Elie Wiesel encourages American Politicians to declare war against the inhumanity of indifference. Contextually speaking Elie Wiesel’s presented this speech on April 12, 1999 in the East Room of the White House as part of a Millennium Lecture Series hosted by the president. Wiesel’s speech falls within the 20th Century Human Rights Movement. Interestingly enough, before Professor Wiesel gave his speech The Kosovo war was at a new height regarding the disputed piece of land in southeast Europe. Eventually though NATO persuaded militaries from intervening in the process.
D). In Document A “study the problem of genocide and to prepare a report on the possibilities of declaring genocide an international crime.” Although this would have been a great action to protect civilians value during the Nazi crimes, which were inhumane. However, due to the “lack of adequate provisions and previous formulation of international law, the Nuremberg Tribunal had to dismiss the Nazi crimes,” (Doc. A). The international government have not payed attention to serious issues concerning their people.
As a response to the systemic, widespread and massive rape campaign carried out against Bosnian Muslims and Croat women and girls during the 1992 to 1995 Bosnian War, the 1993 United Nations Security Council Resolution 827 (UN Security Council, 1993), as a preamble to the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), contains the first ever documented UN reference to rape committed during armed conflict or rape as a violation of international humanitarian law (Schott, 2011, p. 5). The United Nations has identified four types of war rape. These four types include opportunistic rape, which is random; political rape, which defines the woman as property and frequently incorporates public rapes as a means
In the UNSC’s article 51, individual and collective self-defense can be authorized by the UNSC under the framework of collective security. However, genocide is never justifiable in the eyes of the UN. Perhaps the most distinguishing feature between war and genocide is the disproportionally ability of those involved to fight back. Within war there is a certain level of understanding that those engaging in the conflict will have an ability to engage in battle. However, historically in genocides the effected groups have had little to no ability to proportionately fight against their attackers.
The Bosnian War lasted from 1992 until 1995, and has been concluded after the US engagement during the presidency of Bill Clinton. The Clinton administration, led by the ambassador Richard Holbrook, successfully stopped a further bloodshed and secured an overall peace in the Former Yugoslavia with the Dayton Peace Agreement. Many books and the journal articles have been written about the causes and who is responsible for the war taking many different aspects in their analysis (i.e., with a full right due to various theoretical approaches and the level of analysis). Due to its complexity, it seems that the best way to explain it is through its legal aspects.
The UNSC Resolution 1973 (2011), which authorized the use of force in Libya, marked the first time the UNSC invoked this Pillar
The relationship between the law and society affects everyone and everything. How the law is written and how it is acted upon in society are two different things. It is imperative, therefore, that we as citizens pay attention to and understand the importance of the relationship between the law and society as it affects both our own lives and the lives of those around us. We engage in and witness the power of the law and society everyday. The law is personal, however, the law is also discretionary depending on where you look.
After all, the law which is inseparable from the justice is understandable as civilized communication and background for nonviolent conflict solving process. On the other hand, the war is also the way to solve conflicts, but in a different way, using the suffering and the price of life. Apparently, because everyone understands that war is extreme and unacceptable social situation, States and international society are trying to find its reasoning or justification. “The just war tradition, and the international law which follows it, is thus a middle-ground moral tradition trying to regulate armed force in a way which is fair, reasonable, and mindful of consequences.”
Extraterritorial criminal jurisdiction can in many circumstances be a useful and legitimate response to transnational crime. Criminal activity is not always confined to territorial boarders, and so the law may seek to follow the crime to prevent an offender from enjoying impunity. A number of states have included in their criminal legislature provisions allowing for the investigation and prosecution of international crimes, even when such crime is committed outside their national territory and whether or not the perpetrators or the victims are nationals of the state concerned”. The importance of extraterritorial jurisdiction was also seen in the Advisory Opinion of 11 April 1949 – Reparations for injuries suffered in the service of the United Nations. Personnel of the UN were targeted in Palestine which culminated in the assassination of
Therefore, this paper is designed to illustrate reasons why the UNSC should be reformed. The first and foremost factor to why the UNSC should be reformed is because the veto power used within the council only revolves around the permanent members’ interests. By 1990s, one
Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter states that, "all member states shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, nor in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations” . It is therefore a unilateral agreement signed by member states against the use of force when dealing each other. World events however since the signing and ratification of the UN Charter have indicated that states who are signatories to the charter continue to use force against each other for various reasons. Some 25 years after the writing and ratification of the charter one cannot doubt that states have used force and sought to justify it through individual or collective self-defence claims, as well as humanitarian claims in furtherance of national agendas and to increase territory. This no doubt may have been what frustrated Franck into the stance that Article 2(4) was in its grave.
‘The Rule of Law’ came into popularity under the hands of A.V. Dicey in the 19th Century. Aristotle, another renowned philosopher once said more than two thousand years ago, "The rule of law is better than that of any individual. " [1] The Rule of Law is ultimately, the foundation of democracy that every country should acquire for the better of their own legal systems, regardless of whether it is criminal law, civil law or public law. It is a major source of legitimation for governments in the modern world. A government that abides by the rule of law is seen as good and worthy of respect.
TRUE SENSE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW: The controversy whether international law is a law or not resolves on the divergent definitions of the word “law” given by the jurist. If we subscribe to the view of Hobbes, Austin and Pufendorf, that law is a command of sovereign enforced by a superior political authority then international law cannot be included in the category of law. On the other hand if, we subscribe to the view that the term“law”cannot be limited to rules enacted by superior political authority, then international law can be included in the category of law. Lawrence aptly remarked that everything depends upon the definition of law which we choose to adopt.
With the security council as its quasi-leader, the UN is able to generate and pass out resolutions when international matters need to be addressed. Though, like every IGO, the UN is non binding, IGOs like the UN survive based off the four principles aforementioned in the second paragraph. The UN has been successful in resolving several conflicts, which is an idea that stays parallel with neoliberal theory. Through varying peace enforcement measures, the UN has managed to resolve conflicts such as the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, reach and establish peace in Cote d’ivoire, and resolve ethnic conflict in Kosovo. Though these initiatives required the use of force, they helped reduce war and genocide, and returned the world to the status