This formulated an ideology which would consolidate the people. Socialism was ultimately deemed a failure, and then there was a third coup in 1988 to help keep the Burmese military in power. On paper, all of this seemed like a fine idea, but there were more than enough bumps in the road. People were starving, businesses were being watched like hawks. In 1962, Ne Win arranged a coup to gain control of Burma as a dictator until he resigned in 1988.
He may have been democratically re-elected in 1952 and 1956, however his leading period was plagued by insurgencies from ethnic minority groups and communists, a nation-wide economic immobilism, as well as a wide spread inefficiency within his own government. However, U grabbed a decisive victory for his final time in 1960, only to anger his military and his minorities by placing Buddhism as the official state language. It was this decision that led to his eventual ousting after two years by a military coup, and the instatement of General Ne Win. Ne Win’s new government ruled on a single-party system under the Socialist Programme Party, with the goals of shut down opposition/ independent newspapers, nationalizing the state economy by taking large control of the private sector, rescinding the federal system, and finally and perhaps most importantly for Myanmar’s development, was the birth of the “Burmese way to Socialism.” His new constitution in 1974 created a fully authoritarian rule of the military in Burma, and created a catalyst of for military action against the minority ethnicities and the communist rebels. For example it was in 1976 when the National Democratic Front organized twelve different Ethnic parties to unite against their common enemy of the Ne Win military regime.
“ in 1946 the U.S Chamber of Commerce was so worried about the spread of communism that it proposed removing liberals, socialist, and communist from places like schools, libraries, newspapers and entertainment” (Boissoneautt). Even though there was no proof to
Die Regierung kritisieren ohne Problem. Aber der Tag 30. April 1975 als die Kommunisten nach Süd Vietnam gekommen (...) Im Moment haben wir alle irgendwie Angst. Man weiß ja nicht was er für eine Person ist, ein Stasi oder nicht Stasi.”10 This shows that the freedom of speech of the South Vietnamese was limited and if they criticized the government they were reported by former friends or enemies to the communists. Furthermore, supporters of capitalism were politically persecuted by the communist regime.
In the book, citizens have no idea about what is “truly” happening around them because of their censoring government. The author warns people not to allow the government to take full control. This ties up to the McCarthy censorship. US senator, Joseph McCarthy, made unfair allegations and Bradbury wanted to indict this with his book. He condemned about the investigations on communists in Hollywood by the House Un-American Activities Committee(Weller, 2013).
Orwell’s personal experiences fighting against Franco in the Spanish Civil War planted the seeds for his anti-Fascist/Totalitarian political view. Orwell fought against Franco’s regime under a non-stalin left wing militia called the Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification(1984). He originally planned to fight exclusively against Fascism, but pro-stalin forces branded his party as traitors (1984). This led to the state charging Orwell with treason which prompted him to flee the country along with his wife.This conviction also revealed to him his true enemy, not Fascism or Communism, but Totalitarianism(Newsinger). Many readers of the novel fail to realize this and simply understand it as a warning against Fascism.
She mentions that the truth of the incidents and the motive behind it remains uncertain (Zurbuchen 566). The official version from the Indonesian government promoted by “pervasive government rhetoric and symbolism, as well as through the narrow school curriculum” that the communist party are the perpetrator of the murder of the high ranking generals (Zurbuchen 566). Therefore, the communists should be eliminated from Indonesia and the Indonesians “have lived in conditions of willed amnesia or fearful silence” about the genocide (Zurbuchen 566). Publications of the critique to the 1965 incident were banned in Indonesia until Suharto fall from the regime (Zurbuchen 568). Zurbuchen underlines how the government during President Wahid started to open the path to find the truth regarding the 1965 incidents (573).
However, due to rising differences with Rajiv Gandhi, Vishwanath Pratap Singh was dismissed from the union cabinet. He later resigned from Congress and formed a political party, Jan Morcha, along with other Congress dissidents. On 11th October 1988, a new political party, Janata Dal was formed by the merger of Jan Morcha, Janata Party, Lok Dal and Congress(S). The Bofors scandal was the major corruption revelation of this period and it dented the image of Rajiv Gandhi who was till then perceived as an honest leader by the
Furthermore, James Brooke interfered into the local affairs by installing Pengiran Muda Hashim as the next Sultan of Brunei. The growing hatred of Pengiran Muda Hashim by Brunei's court claimed the death of his family and himself. The massacre has reach to James Brooke and in retaliation he launched an attack on Brunei Town. Brunei had been weakened before the attack, and the attack further pushed Brunei to its decline of power. In addition, James Brooke held exclusive control over Sarawak and the Sultan of Brunei and his kingdom could not interfere in Sarawak affairs.
Once the British declared the Malayan emergency in June 1948 the Malayan government was slow to react to the MCP and did not appoint a director of operations to counter the MCP insurgency until March 1950 (Perryman, n.d.). In 1951 the situation further deteriorated when the British High Commissioner was assassinated in October 1951. This attack galvanised the British resolve to meet the threat posed by the MCP. In 1955 Royal Australian Navy ships began their contribution to the development and defence of the Federation of Malaya in many different ways and at variable levels. The units of the Strategic Reserve trained against the other Navies to ensure that if the time came they would be ready to engage either in a regional or global conflict, for the defence of Malaya.