Structuralism, as stated by Ajandi, examines inequities in power by revealing structures as the root of problems, rather than the individual (2018). Structuralism influences on AOP; it defines itself through structural power and its wrath of inequalities on those unlike the dominant group. AOP upholds the idea of relieving the sense of blame the individual holds and identifies their problems stem from the structures and systems put in place with the intent of discriminating against them. Anti-oppressive practice goes one step further with the concepts of structuralism by expressing the dire need for communication. According to Wilson & Beresford (2000), anti-oppressive practice promotes knowledge and expertise in each situation with every different service user, as no two situations require the exact same theories and practices.
But, according to Foucault (in: Hall, 2006) a discourse is more appro-priate because an ‘ideology’ claims ‘truth’, which in turn can be falsified. But the social, po-litical and moral world seldom allows the formulation of ‘entirely’ true or
The rational actor model is a linchpin of FPDM. Paul MacDonald contends that numerous consider it "to be the most conceivable contender for an all inclusive hypothesis of political and social conduct, whose straightforward and instinctively conceivable suppositions hold the guarantee of binding together the different subfields of political science." Whereas numerous researchers censure the model, others unequivocally guard it. Prior to a model can be proposed in view of its fundamentals or its basic suppositions censured, we should first comprehend it.
Identity become important process of modern politics. Political position base on view of social group which people are identify. Political identity the way think of myself and the way think perceive by other people, have I get, what I want,when I get. Identity politics is widely used in social science and describing the prevalence of the category of identity such as nationality, sexual identity, religion, culture, language, disability etc. The mobilization base on this identification is called identity politics.
The author, in this case, tries to communicate that it is not possible to have a conversation about analysis or rather critical analysis with the majority students without having to incorporate aspects of their cultural expectations. I agree with the writer in the sense that critical thinking has active components and as such, it is important to establish the cultural expectations for better understanding. The author rightly points out that critical analysis is not merely a writing technique, but it involves many cultural undertones. It implies a relationship, a tone, and texts that are learned both consciously and unconsciously. It is a particularly complicated for someone brought up in a different cultural setting to understand the tone, and style of critical analysis that is found conventional.
Hegel’s study is rich and difficult, reaching over the whole area of likely experience; but in order to show his important insights into the theme of “self and other” one should focus on his portrayal of the nature of the self-consciousness. Hegel sees the coordination between the Self and the Other as a struggle for acknowledgement, not an assumed harmony of persons mutually acknowledging each other or a harmony grounded on pre-established metaphysical conditions, the self needs this confrontation with the Other in order to achieve a certain sense of freedom and responsibility. In Hegel’s account, fully understanding what is at stake in his statements, it is crucial to explore more closely to the dialectical transformations that lead to the reaction to the self-consciousness as the necessary link of an inter-subjective relation. “Self-consciousness can only achieve its satisfaction in another
1.6 CDA and Political Discourse Analysis There are many approaches for the analysis of Political Discourse integrated with Critical Discourse Analysis. Wodak (1995) postulates a major influence in this study by summarizing the constitutive principles of CDA as follows: 1- Political commitment: the aim of CDA is to uncover power-abuse and inequality. CDA is being criticised for being political only because its political values are explicit.
Representation plays a pivotal role in comprehending and interpreting the complex world around us. According to Stuart Hall, “representation is an essential part of the process by which meaning is produced and exchanged between members of a culture (Hall The Work of Representation 1997). How adequately one represents one’s own self or the world around them is a matter of prime concern for everyone ranging from critics to common man. However, no representation is neutral and it involves issues of power and control. Much postcolonial scholarships revolve around this issues of power and politics of representation with the deployment of what Foucault has popularly termed as “discourse”.
Identity Most people believe that identity is a fixed factor of your personality, but as Mel Schwartz says in her article, “we are perpetually re-framing, re-organizing, re-thinking, and re-considering ourselves”. With all the changing we as humans do it would be impossible to constantly be grounded to the same couple of words that we claim to be our identity. Schwartz mentions that there are two extremes when it comes to identity; those who know themselves and those who don’t know themselves. The perfect balanced between these two extremes is said to be ideal for truly creating your identity, but unfortunately is a very difficult task.
Sociolinguists assert that the question of power is central to language as it is in language that power relations are negotiated and challenged by members of speech communities, and such language is commonly ideological. According to Fairclough (1995), power can be classified in different forms; we can have “State power, social power, ideological power, and economic power” (p. 33). Traditional social power is the one used to maintain the status quo that advantages and/or disadvantages members of a certain community. Fairclough (1995) asserts that social power results from hegemony in a society which renders ideas and issues like gender inequalities as a natural status quo and to which individuals adhere without reasoning or contention. Using
According to him, the most common characteristic in political writing is staleness. 4) Various examples are given on how we can be vague, but that this should be avoided at all costs seeing that, it often lacks meaning and avoiding this will result in thinking clearly. 1) To improve your skills you should decide a purpose, practice all the fundamentals, and look for a meaning while writing down new words. 2) State your topic as a question, be specific about what your claim is and try to answer that question. 3) All writing must have a purpose and a goal, what you write and how you write it will be influenced by what you envision, and there should always be a clear
Traditional argument assumes that people are most readily convinced or persuaded by a confrontation “debate”. This form of argument is mostly used in essays or critical analysis. In a traditional argument, even though the writes argues reasonably and fairly, the writer provides evidence to support or back up their claim, the argument becomes kind of a struggle of “war”. Unlike the traditional argument, the Rogerian argument does not take the confrontation stance; it uses logic to solve problems by establishing a common ground with the opposition. If people are with each other, they need to be willing to change their views and identify where they can adjust their beliefs.