Two Days in October is a documentary that covers the multidimensional story of the battle of Ong Thanh in Vietnam and the student protests at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. This film shows examples of different techniques used that assist journalists when telling the story of October, 1967. The way they tell the story of the of the student protest at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the front line of the Vietnam War exposes some of the nuances and demonstrates that the topic was not as simplistic as people viewed it at the time. While using similar techniques to what was used in the documentary “Two Days in October”, Journalists of today can also demonstrate the complexity of multidimensional stories. These are stories that are not black and white, but that look at everyone’s perspective and ideals.
“Living out in the Red Zone, as it were, with normal people, they have earned the right to be called free and independent journalists, at great personal risk. But they also know that to cover the action -- to get to Kandahar, or Marja, where I was a month ago -- they usually have no alternative but to embed” (Ignatius 1). The limitation of those who die in wars is a form of censorship that should not be observed. “Such images were not to be seen in case they aroused certain kinds of negative sentiment” (Butler 65).
During this period of the late 1950s, American society primarily fixated on the threatening presence of communism. When the media managed to cover the early Vietnam War, the coverage solely revolved around the context of overarching Cold War ideological themes and thus exerted minimal influence in changing the public perception of US involvement. The press’s limited reporting framework at the onset deemphasized the public’s necessity to focus on the proxy war in its
However, this was not exactly the whole truth. "This is no joke! This is real war!"(58) An anonymous radio host wails these words from a radio station located in Honolulu during the attack on Pearl Harbor by the Japanese air force. This disclosure of information shows how the media affects the American people as they started to go into a patriotic hysteria right after the bombing of Pearl Harbor.
U.S. soldiers are trained to follow orders, which is exactly what they did as hundreds of villagers were indiscriminately killed in the My Lai Massacre. Even if the soldiers were acting under confusing orders, that is a failure of the chain of command, and even if the killings were orchestrated by a few incompetent officers, those officers never should have been placed in leadership roles. The real tragedy of My Lai represents an entire system of willful negligence and lack of accountability on the part of the military. Thus the responsibility for the massacre lies with the men involved, but also with the military chain of command that gave the order and then tried to cover it up.
Fussell cited a newspaper story about a London man who killed himself out of concern that he might not be accepted for service in the Great War, and noted, “How can we forbear condescending to the eager lines at the recruiting stations or smiling at news like this.” But in the summer of 1968 Tim O’Brien, a twenty-one-year-old in a small Minnesota town, a liberal supporter of Eugene McCarthy and an opponent of the war in Vietnam, submitted himself for induction into the United States Army. O’Brien couldn’t bring himself “to upset a peculiar balance between the order I knew, the people I knew, and my own private world,” he wrote, in “If I Die in a Combat Zone,” his 1973 Vietnam memoir. “It was not just that I valued that order. I also feared its opposite—inevitable chaos, censure, embarrassment, the end of everything that had happened in my life, the end of it all.”
Research question no. 1: What were the most written about topic in articles related to the invasion to Iraq? Research question no. 2: What type of sources the journalists used? Hypotheses no. 1: The journalists were accused of marginalizing voices against the war.
In the Vietnam war the United States lost everything that made it a superior defender for freedom and justice. We lost money and the support of American and South Vietnam citizens, because of that we lost our confidence and power. Without having confidence and feeling powerless, it questions whether we are capable of handling our nation 's conflicts while supporting South VIetnam.
In the autobiography, a Rumor of War, Philip Caputo, talks about his experience in the Vietnam War. He tells us why he joins the Marines until the day he was released from active duty. A rumor for the story about war and how it changed men like Phillip Caputo, John Kerry Silvio Burgio and Tim Carey. This paper is based on Philip Caputo and how the Vietnam War changed him through his time before the war, during the war and after the war.
The American’s setback in Vietnam War is already tattooed in their history. It triggered shameful criticism both to General William Westmoreland and the US government. Even today, many Americans still ask whether the American effort in Vietnam was a sin, a blunder, an indispensable war, a noble cause, or an idealistic campaign (History Learning Site, 2015). Instrumental to this campaign was American General William C. Westmoreland who engineered the build-up and consolidation of U.S. military forces in South Vietnam. He is considered to be the primary reason why he was not able to win the war in Vietnam as he overestimated the American people’s patience and tolerance of friendly losses.
“The My Lai Massacre: A Military Crime of Obedience” is an article written by Herbert C. Kelman and V. Lee Hamilton, that chronicles the story of the My Lai Massacre of 1968 and the resulting investigation. The article also contains the author's opinions on the military’s stance on following orders, specifically following orders that could be considered illegal. This is also discussed in Marianne Szegedy-Madzak’s “The Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal: Sources of Sadism”. In the article she discusses how guards will torture prisoners, because it is excused as a stress-relief tool, and were even congratulated by superiors for their actions. The torturers justified their actions because they believed they were helping the real interrogators out.
The explanation of why upright people execute wrongful actions can be interpreted in multiple ways. In "The My Lai Massacre: A Military Crime of Obedience," Herbert C. Kelman, a professor of social ethics, and V. Lee Hamilton, a sociologist, discuss how the use of authorization, routinization, and dehumanization can be used to carry out unethical actions like in the My Lai Massacre. The American Law assumes that subordinates should be obeying orders, and when linked to obeying superiors, moral principles become inoperative. Erich Fromm, a psychoanalyst and the author of "Disobedience as a Psychological and Moral Problem," explains how the different types of mind set and authority can be noticeably effective in whether one is obedient. Humanistic
In November of 1969, Butterfield watched as Nixon erupted over a series of press reports by journalist Seymour M. Hersh. The president was informed about the massacre of hundreds of Vietnamese civilians by American soldiers in My Lai. The attack was led by Army Lieutenant William L. Calley and it was the best documented Vietnam war crime. Butterfield needed to be informed about anything that was of interest to the president. Therefore, he gathered numerous documents about the case into his documents. The atrocities committed against Vietnamese civilians was a political threat to Nixon’s strategy of Vietnamization. Nixon’s goal was to turn the war over to the South Vietnamese so that he is able to withdraw most of the U.S. troops. The massacre in My Lai would further justify the resistance of the enemy and it was the complete opposite of what Nixon wanted to accomplish.
Conclusion The U.S.’s involvement in the Vietnam War led to the revolutionary change of American society in how they chose to view their country’s government and how they choose to abide by its wishes. The war created an entire new movement of young adults who weren’t afraid to question what they viewed as injustice; they stood for peace and love, and protested for it. Draft evasion showed that the American people didn’t have to fight for a war that they didn’t believe in. The revelation of the Pentagon Papers showed that citizens had a right to know what their country was doing.
In a “Vietnam Veterans against the war”, John Kerry’s comment on President Nixon not wanting to become, “the first President to lose a war,” illustrates just how insistent Nixon was on maintaining a superior Presidential image of power. Ironically, Nixon has one of the more, if not the most, tarnished Presidential image due to the Watergate scandal. Kerry’s speech drove the idea that the Veterans fighting in Vietnam did not believe that they were there to do good and did not feel that they were the “heroes” liberalizing the Vietnamese from the dangers of communism. As he notes, most people there did not understand the difference between communism and democracy. The freedom the Vietnamese sought was liberation from the helicopters, the bombs,