"Power is the most basic and richest concept in political science. It can be sliced, sub-divided almost any number of ways. When social scientists do this it may look like unnecessary hairsplitting. But it is more like cutting a many - faceted diamond: each cut brings out a new facet, a new insight." These famous words by Galtung adequately reflect the continuous efforts of different scholars to coin a term which best describes the type of power the European Union is actually perceived as in international relations. Joining other authors, Ian Manners also made an attempt to formulate the concept of normative power Europe to indicate the EU. The introduction of this notion in 2002 has received various applause as well as criticism. In an interview …show more content…
Most of these studies, nevertheless, focus on the EU’s Eastern neighbors in the framework of the European Neighborhood Policy. In comparison, there are far fewer researches conducted to examine if the EU acts as a normative power in its relations with Asian countries. Especially, no research has been carried out to explore this issue in EU – Vietnam relations. Therefore, it is expected that the fulfillment of a study on the EU’s exercise of normative power in its relations with Vietnam can help to fill this …show more content…
A qualitative research method was employed so as to achieve the objective of the paper. Through analyzing primary sources and secondary sources, the involvement of the EU in promoting good governance in Vietnam was explored. The former is composed of materials issued by the EU institutions, Vietnamese government and other international organizations such as the United Nation and the World Bank, while the latter consists of books, journal and newspaper articles, as well as reports. This paper is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction which states the relevance of the research, the research question, the structure of the thesis and the research methods. In the second part, the theoretical framework employed is discussed. This paper was developed based on Manner’s concept of normative power and Tocci’s theory of a normative foreign policy, which provides three dimensions to evaluate if an actor can be considered as a normative power, including normative goals, normative means, and normative impact. The concept and principles of good governance are also discussed in this part. The next chapter presents the main empirical findings pertaining to the three indicators mentioned above in order to find out the answer to the research question. The paper ends with a conclusion which summarizes the main points discussed,
In this paper I will focus on the various claims that Carr uses to support his argument as well as outside sources that contradict, extend
In the article Balance of Power International Relations it states, ". . . underwent drastic changes for all practical purposes destroyed the European power structure. " The policy of balance of power is when a nation matches its power to the power of the other side. The advantageousness of power that the Europeans had in the political world didn't match those of African territory. In the same article Balance of Power International Relations it asserts, ". . .
The logic of presidential unilateral action appears to be focused on two issues. The first is the nature of when presidents are likely to act unilaterally. The second appears to be how these actions shape the relationship between branches of government. While there seems to be concern as to the institutional effects of an increased use of unilateral action, it seems to be a natural result of ambiguity and institutional limitations on the presidency.
Much of the war powers in the United States government falls on the acts of our Congress. Nonetheless, the President of the United States still holds some powers over the military and over the acts of waging war. Once Congress declares war, it is the duty of the President to be the leader of that war. The Presidents title is the Commander in Chief, therefor all leaders of the military report directly to the President. This title undoubtedly gives the President many powers over war, even ones that are not directly stated in the United States Constitution.
To me, the author was very thorough and supported is goal well. One insight about my claim that is established through my analysis is that you
When thinking of the strongest governments in the world, the United States and Russia likely come to mind. The governments of these nations have stood the test of time. The United States and Russia share a similar structure of government; however, how power is actually carried out differs greatly, with Russia’s president having absolute power and the American president being limited through checks and balances. To begin, each country has a republic system of government with three branches of government which include the judicial, executive, and legislative branch. In both countries, the legislative branch is divided into two parts.
He says the existence of a dominant power always exercise hegemonial authority thereby creating a norms under which independent states interact with each other. This conceptual framework of states existing under certain prescribes norms finds relevant in the contemporary IR more likely after the Treaty of Westphalia. This hegemonic world order needs to be explained from an approach which best predicts events and affairs in the international system. Looking at the larger factors concerning
It is heavily influenced from the Groation tradition. According to this perspective, regimes are much more pervasive and exist in all areas of international relations. Contrary to the conventional structure and modified structural, this viewpoint moves away from realist thinking as it is “too limited to explain an increasingly complex, interdependent, and complex world.” This approach rejects the assumption that the international system is comprised of states and the balance of power is solely due to force. Rather, it argues that elites are the principal actors and that they have national and transnational ties.
To govern oneself as one wished is an attribute of independence. A sovereign state may not be disturbed by another state unless it has given the right to intervene. When a state attaches legal consequences to conduct in another state, it exercises control over that conduct, and when such control affects essential interests in the foreign state, it may constitute an interference with the sovereign rights of that foreign
In International Relations, various theoretical perspectives are employed to provide a clear framework for the analysis of complex international relationships. One key concept that scholars have strived to fully analyze is “anarchy” and its significance within the International System. Anarchy, as defined by many IR scholars, is the lack of an overarching authority that helps govern the international system. (Class Notes, January 29). Its importance and power to dictate actions between states is often debated and various theories have been used to describe its significance.
(ii) Power and Conflict: The capacity the one person has the influence over the other persons such that other persons act in accordance with his/her wishes can be defined as ‘Power’. Conflicts could be both positive and negative. Good conflicts could be encouraged but bad conflicts ought to be prevented.
It believes that all individuals are born with an increasing desire to own power hardwired inside them. In these circumstances dominant states should do direct high power over their rivals. In the other hand, structural realism does not define the quest for power, instead it is focused on the structure of the international
The Theory of Idealism in International Relations. Ojochogwu Aladi Enape Schiller International University. The theories in International relations are assertions that try to explain and justify how international structures work and the characteristics of ever changing interactions across territories.
The post-world war era created an atmosphere of caution regarding individual states in an international system dominated by realist rationale. Thus, based on functionalist principles it was believed that a United Europe was a more acceptable and viable alternative. It was believed that the international system would be more functional with organizations directed at collectively addressing functional needs rather than the realist orientation of each State for itself. This, however, did not materialize until the formation of the European Union (EU) in 1958 and arose out of the functionalist school of thought.