2. CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1. THE EUROPEAN UNION: ONE OF WHAT KIND?
As stated in the introduction (pages 6-7), a cacophony of adjuncts has been used to conceptualize the EU. Normative Power has undoubtedly become the most popular concept; one could even speak of a “neo-normative turn in theorizing the EU’s international presence” (Whitman 2013, 171). But what does normative power mean? How does normative power differ from other concepts, such as “civilian”, “civilizing”, “soft”, “postmodern” or “ethical” power? And how can we spot a normative power when we see one? Unfortunately, it is impossible to provide a simple and definite answer to these questions. Like Helene Sjursen, I failed to find “a single consistent definition
…show more content…
Historically, the original debate can be situated “within the period of détente and [the 1973] oil crisis” (Manners and Diez 2007, 177). Initially, Civilian Power (CP) was a vague concept, which possibly explains why the concept became so popular (Orbie 2006, 123-124). An academic debate erupted where scholars attempted to define CPE. According to Duchêne, the goal of CPE is to “bring to international problems the sense of common responsibility and structures of contractual politics” (1973, 19-20). In other words, by introducing pluralist rules, the Hobbesian international system would be transformed into a Grotian international society (Wichmann 2010, …show more content…
Some of the opponents of militarization concluded that the EU could no longer be classified as a CP (e.g. K. Smith 2005a). Others, however, argued that a CP could employ (limited) military means to reach civilian goals (Maull 2000; Stavridis 2001; Whitman 2002). This debate gave birth to the (in)famous Normative Power concept.
2.1.2. NORMATIVE POWER EUROPE?
“What I am suggesting here is that the European Union represents neither a civilian power of a (sic) intergovernmental nature utilizing economic tools and international diplomacy, nor a military power of a supranational nature using armed force and international intervention, but a normative power of a (sic) ideational nature characterized by common principles and a willingness to disregard notions of ‘state’ or ‘international’”
Ian Manners (2001, 7).
According to Ian Manners, the civilian-military debate was too state-centric: both “notions” are characterized by an “unhealthy concentration on how much like a state the EU looks” (2002, 239). Instead, scholars ought to focus on “the power of ideas and norms rather than the power of empirical force – in other words the role of normative power” (ibid.,
At the end of World War II, Western European powers sought political stability after a period of turmoil and devastation. Germany was divided into two spheres of influence: East Germany, controlled by the Soviet Union, and West Germany, controlled by the Allies. Western Europe attempted to unify in the post-war economy, and various views arose regarding this potential unity. The unification of Western Europe was met with opinions that were largely motivated by a nation’s own economic and political interests.
Madison Gross DBQ Outline WWII 5/14/18 Why did the world plunge into World War II in 1939? What is the most effective response to aggression-appeasement or collective security? It started because Hitler was trying to unite Germany and gain land for the people. Hitler, as Germany’s leader wanted more territory so they took it.
Unmaking War, Remaking Men by Kathleen Barry Submitted by: ARPIT SAGAR (OT Code-B51) Kathleen Barry is a feminist activist and a sociologist. Her first book launched an international movement against human trafficking. In this book namely Unmaking War Remaking Men; she has examined the experiences of the soldiers during their training and combat as well as that of their victims using the concept of empathy. She explains how the lives of these men are made expendable for combat.
Looking back over the development of the Security Studies field, there can be no doubt that the realist tradition has exercised enormous influence. Even the harshest of critics can acknowledge that with their focus on power, fear, and anarchy, realist theories have provided centrally important explanations for conflict and war (Williams, 2013). One interpretation of realism that is unbroken amongst most commentators of the theory is that realists are individuals that believe the State is the principle actor in international politics and that they are very concerned with the balance of power (Marsalis, 2013). They argue that all the State’s actions and choices are a reflection of the collective will of the people, which is also an argument
Is the US hegemon in decline? Is there a power shift in the making? In order to answer these questions, it is important to define the concept of power. There are two types, hard and soft power, both of which play an important role in determining the sovereignty of a state. Hard power may be seen as coercive and based on tangible resources, for example economic power or the military.
Because international solutions and relations were based on considerations of power, the eighteenth-century concept of balance of power was predicated on how to counterbalance the power of one state by another to prevent any one state from dominating the other(s). This balance of power, however, did not imply
Cosmopolitanism as an idea is as broad and at times dangerously as vague as the term identity. Therefore, it is essential to deconstruct it into one focused teleological approach in order to understand the manner in which this desired approach can be applied to an understanding of identity construction and identity clashes within and between the EU and its ‘new’ member states, respectively. With regards to this desired approach, this will be an interpretation of Immanuel Kant’s conception of cosmopolitanism. In an edited version of Kant’s seminal publication “Toward Perpetual Peace and Other Writings on Politics, Peace, and History”, Allen W. Wood (2006;261) highlights that the central premise underpinning the term cosmopolitanism is that human
He says the existence of a dominant power always exercise hegemonial authority thereby creating a norms under which independent states interact with each other. This conceptual framework of states existing under certain prescribes norms finds relevant in the contemporary IR more likely after the Treaty of Westphalia. This hegemonic world order needs to be explained from an approach which best predicts events and affairs in the international system. Looking at the larger factors concerning
It is heavily influenced from the Groation tradition. According to this perspective, regimes are much more pervasive and exist in all areas of international relations. Contrary to the conventional structure and modified structural, this viewpoint moves away from realist thinking as it is “too limited to explain an increasingly complex, interdependent, and complex world.” This approach rejects the assumption that the international system is comprised of states and the balance of power is solely due to force. Rather, it argues that elites are the principal actors and that they have national and transnational ties.
The world in which Carr knew and wrote this book about may have change greatly, however I think one can say the world is once again experiencing s transitional moment where answers no longer suffice, and affirming this books continued relevance. To conclude, the book shows us how Carr was convinced the realities of Global Power and not Utopians normative morality would shape a new international order. Carr’s work can be understood as a critique of Liberalism internationalism or what he referred to as
1. There is no agreed upon definition of restorative justice. a. Within the criminal justice community, there has been no consensus on exactly how restorative justice should be defined. As a result, there is also some confusion within the community on whether or not restorative justice should be viewed as an outcome or a process (Daly, 2015) b. Because there is no agreement on the definition, there are multiple definitions. This can also result/create theoretical and policy confusion.
(Nye, 1990: 158) In the modern world the phrase power has lost its accentuation on military. In the modern approach actors have become important, however they lack in power as states needs to consider new dimensions of current security. (Nye, 1990:
The exceptionality of Europe is not only questioned, but defied, invalidated, on a geopolitical level as much as a more substantial, cultural
It believes that all individuals are born with an increasing desire to own power hardwired inside them. In these circumstances dominant states should do direct high power over their rivals. In the other hand, structural realism does not define the quest for power, instead it is focused on the structure of the international
Conclusion: Page 6 6. Bibliography: Page 6 Introduction: This an age old argument on whether the people should be ruled by one single all powerful leader who isn’t challenged or a leader who is democratically elected into power. In this academic piece I will be looking at the benefits and pitfalls of each form of government as well as give a few examples of each and decide if they were successful.