Submission 3
Should the U.S Congress Repeal the Second Chance Act?
Argument 1 - Privilege: that privilege was abundant and as such defeat the purpose of serving one’s actual sentence for the ills committed Analysis of Argumentation
The question here is that what is the type of prisoner you want to return on the streets? Should he be the same person who came in and continue to do the crimes or should he be the person who would have been changed for good? The underlying difference here is that the person who is good is a subjective question.
Before custody: From a research conducted, we know that 52% of male offenders and 71% of female offenders have no qualifications whatsoever. This is a very sad state as this will not only harm the individuals
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A recent PET survey showed that only 18% of offenders felt supported by prison officers in their learning. One third of prison courses are not completed, half of which are a direct result of the release or transfer of prisoners, wasting an estimated £30m annually. Around two thirds of those who do have a job lose it whilst in custody. 1 in 14 prisoners participate in an activity to help other prisoners, eg. the Samaritan …show more content…
First, New York taxpayers were spared a program that would not have produced its intended results. The low recidivism rates of participating prisoners conceal the fact that such prisoners are less inclined, even without completing college coursework, to return to crime. Many possess some baseline education and are highly motivated to increase their human capital while incarcerated. Furthermore, participation is voluntary and graduation is not mandatory. With the state socializing the costs of prison education, New York’s average per-prisoner expenses would increase. Some prisoners who wouldn’t otherwise enter a program (or who might have been declined by a private program seeking to minimize waste) would sign up for courses and then drop out. The second reason Cuomo’s shift should be viewed positively is that it places a spotlight on private charity.It’s time to look at serious alternatives to publicly funded prisoner education. The recent history of post-secondary prison education reveals a mix of public and private support. From 1972-1994, prisoners were eligible for federal Pell grants. The flow of federal funding expanded the supply of post-secondary prison programs. At one point there were 350 programs in 37 states. But the mid-1990s brought significant “tough on crime”-based legislative changes. Congress and the Clinton administration ended prisoners’ Pell grant eligibility, and states like New
Over the last thirty years, the prison population in the United States has increased more than seven-fold to over two million people, including vastly disproportionate numbers of minorities and people with little education. For some racial and educational groups, incarceration has become a depressingly regular experience, and prison culture and influence pervade their communities. Almost 60 percent of black male high school drop-outs in their early thirties have spent time in prison. In Punishment and Inequality in America, sociologist Bruce Western explores the recent era of mass incarceration and the serious social and economic consequences it has wrought.
Invisible Men: A Contemporary Slave Narrative in the Era of Mass Incarceration (2016) written by Flores Forbes illustrates the importance of prison education in the United States. Prison education is a program where inmates may be permitted to either continue or start their college education while serving their sentence. In this paper, I will address the meaning and purpose of prison education. I will discuss the importance of the policy, and how it may change someone’s life like it did to Flores Forbes. My goal in this paper is to alert other colleagues the important issue of education within our prisons.
To house these prisoners, more federal money must be allocated to build prisons than to build schools. If the same money was spent on improving education instead of on housing more prisoners, more Americans would be productive and contribute to
In his book, Just Mercy, Bryan Stevenson delves into the disconcerting issues of the United States’ extremely corrupt legal system and widespread, heartrending mass incarceration and extreme punishment. Stevenson’s eloquent writing style and captivating stories draw in readers and opens eyes to the recondite, yet extremely important issues with the criminal justice system. The overarching theme of Stevenson’s book is that the current justice system fails time after time, and causes much unwarranted hardship for countless innocent people. Through cases of racial minorities, women, the mentally ill, juveniles and more, this book explains the epidemic of unjust mass incarceration in the United States.
In the essay, Reflection From a Life Behind Bars: Build Colleges, Not Prisons, the author James Gilligan was a director of mental health for the Massachusetts prison system, and he argues that prisons should be torn down and become boarding schools for the inmates to receive as much education as they want. He explains how kids who experience violence, grow up as violent adults, and he questioned why we continue to use violence against adults hoping it stops them from being violent. There’s evidence that the most successful programs for preventing recidivism are ones where inmates receive college degrees. The prisons are also extremely inhumane in the environment, as Gilligan compares them to zoos. All these reasons Gilligan gives for his argument
Over the past 40 years U.S. incarceration has grown at an extraordinary rate, with the United States’ prison population increasing from 320,000 inmates in 1980 to nearly 2.3 million inmates in 2013. The growth in prison population is in part due to society’s shift toward tough on crime policies including determinate sentencing, truth-in-sentencing laws, and mandatory minimums. These tough on crime policies resulted in more individuals committing less serious crimes being sentenced to serve time and longer prison sentences. The 1970s-1980s: The War on Drugs and Changes in Sentencing Policy Incarceration rates did rise above 140 persons imprisoned per 100,000 of the population until the mid 1970s.
Prison reform has been an ongoing topic in the history of America, and has gone through many changes in America's past. Mixed feelings have been persevered on the status of implementing these prison reform programs, with little getting done, and whether it is the right thing to do to help those who have committed a crime. Many criminal justice experts have viewed imprisonment as a way to improve oneself and maintain that people in prison come out changed for the better (encyclopedia.com, 2007). In the colonial days, American prisons were utilized to brutally punish individuals, creating a gruesome experience for the prisoners in an attempt to make them rectify their behavior and fear a return to prison (encyclopedia.com, 2007). This practice may have worked 200 years ago, but as the world has grown more complex, time has proven that fear alone does not prevent recidivism.
Recidivism costs the state of Florida more than $150 million annually (Florida Department of Corrections). A strong financial incentive is not the only thing bringing Florida legislators to the table however; electoral calculations also are a draw for the legislators. Reducing the amount of felons in Florida through education programs and through an improved rehabilitation system while cutting state prison spending is a platform that appeals to Democrats and Republicans alike. Legislators campaigning for re-election will be able to tout effective criminal justice reform as one of their accomplishments over their past term. When a task force studied recidivism for the state of Florida in 2004, it concluded that “the loss of civil rights upon conviction of a felony” (Miller and Spillane 405) was an element of Florida’s criminal justice system that needed to be reformed.
Within this paper I will explain what the school to prison pipeline is. I will also give the history prior to and after the problem of the pipeline,
However, the penalty stands to be only temporary. Studies have shown that only seventy-one percent of those released from prison are convicted of a serious crime within only three years after their releasement ( ). Is prison housing the criminals or teaching them? A correctional facility is built to correct and rehabilitate, however prison systems in America appear to be only a short stop before the production of the criminals grand plan. The majority of those who are sentenced to prison have a high rate of returning due to their difficulty in gaining a position with a self-sustaining wage and a lack knowledge on a life without crime.
Upon exiting prison, people that were convicted work hard to rebuild their lives and join society. However, for African Americans, rebuilding their lives comes with an extra roadblock. Most African American people that entered the prison system entered when they were in their adolescents. The criminal justice system, however, “move[d] to deny prisoners’ educational services, disadvantaging their job and career prospects when released” (Miller and Garan 95). Because they lacked the basic “educational services” needed to get a job after being incarcerated, African American people aren't able to provide for themselves immediately.
School programs were without supplies, inmate classifications weren’t distinguishable, detailed treatment plans fell short, and harsh fines depleted the worth and value of paid labor. Due to the lack of guidelines for indeterminate sentencing the original promise and purpose was lost and abused by officials seeking to gain further control over insubordinate inmates. Parole board members were unqualified and failed at adequately reviewing offenders progress or failures. Overcrowding pushed for early release, rendering requirements lax and often overlooked. Once released, parole officers failed at physically supervising offenders, relying on paperwork and formalities to monitor their progress and reform (Blomberg & Lucken, 2010, pp.
Inmates are constantly violated by cellmates and prison guards, both physically and sexually. Violence is often associated with prison gangs and interpersonal conflict. Prison guards are bribable and all kinds of contrabands including weapon, drug, liquor, tobacco and cell phone can be found in inmates’ hands. Crime within the fence is rampant, only counting those with violent act, 5.8 million reports were made in 2014. If the prison is really what it claims to be, shouldn’t prisoners be serving their time with regret and learning to be obedient?
Additional studies and reports show education programs cut recidivism by 30 percent or more nationally and cut recidivism more than in half in several large states (Esperian 2010). These results support the argument that “it is far more profitable for states to fund education classes for inmates,” because “doing so reduces recidivism dramatically, and because
The US prison population makes up 25% of the world’s prison population while the rest of America only makes up 5% of the world population. The cost of keeping these 2 million people in the US behind bars is an astonishing $80 billion. With such a gargantuan price, politicians, economists, and concerned taxpayers are struggling to find ways to reduce costs. Two ways have been identified as the most promising: privatize the prison industry or put inmates to work. There have already been successful implementations of both around the country, yet inmate labor is likely to be stifled and greatly discouraged due to its association with slave labor.