Don’t Fear the Noble Death Thesis: Claude McKay’s If We Must Die encouraged African Americans to take their stance in society, send a statement to their oppressors, and have no fear of an insignificant death. The Red Summer of 1919 brought intense racial violence in the United States between white Anglo-Saxon and African Americans. Many white Americans believed that blacks, along with immigrants threatened their way of life. The men who went off to fight in World War I, along with the Great Migration of the South created a bigger black population in northern cities. The onslaught of this new culture posed a threat to white America.
These individuals retaliate with spite in their hearts and only want to achieve chaos as their primary goal. Yet, this mentality of violent protesting undermines the solidary among communities and negatively impacts the righteous cause. Violent protesting demonstrates the implementation of a short-term strategy to show the accumulation of anger and frustration among communities. The 1992 Los Angeles Riots demonstrated a prime example of the release of the accumulative of anger and frustration among the African American community. According to Bert Useem, a professor of sociology at Purdue University, the acquittal of four police offers from the assault case of Rodney King triggered the response of the Los Angeles Riots (Useem, 1997, p.357).
War on drugs, a campaign for the prohibition of drugs using military aid and military intervention gave birth to mass incarceration. Unfortunately, the consequences of this campaign targeted minorities and people of color, who are in disadvantage. Mass incarceration promotes devastating effects in society, such as racial inequality and poverty. Michelle Alexander, a civil rights litigator and legal scholar is the author of “The New Jim Crow” Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness.This book purposed to educate people about of mass incarceration that originated due to the war on the drug's movement, as well as to point out the racist system. Michelle Alexander asserts: As we all shall see, there is a certain pattern
He faced firsthand oppression experiences by the children of former slaves in the White South. Consequently, he witnessed politicians and businessmen destroy the gains of reconstruction, and African Americans were struggling against social, political and economic discrimination. Du Bois formed his stand on race relations in America and he began to speak out against the carnages of racism. During his period of studies, he studied at different Universities, observing and comparing racism issues in Africa, Asia and
Synopsis In the introduction, Michelle Alexander (2010) introduces herself and expresses her passion about the topic of how the criminal justice system accomplishes racial hierarchy here in the United States. In chapter 1 of The New Jim Crow, Alexander (2010) suggests that the federal government can no longer be trusted to make any effort to enforce black civil rights legislation, especially when the Drug War is aimed at racial and ethnic minorities. In response to revolts formed between black slaves and white indentured servants, rich whites extended special privileges to their indentured servants that drove a wedge between them and the slaves that successfully stopped the revolts. The rich whites found success in giving some human rights to the indentured servants to stop them plotting with the slaves. Chapter 2 follows the corrupt justice system.
The Civil Rights Act may have only pushed for desegregation of public facilities, but it completely changed how the government viewed racial equality (1964, para. 59). This act set in motion a series of events that would eventually equalize minorities in the United States. Many whites continued intentionally divisive practices through a loophole that was quickly closed with the Fair Housing Act of 1968. In addition to outlawing selling houses based on segregation it also increased the government’s ability to prosecute violent crimes associated with prejudice (Fair Housing, 1968, Section 901, para.
1. According to the article, the difference between individual, institutional, and structural racism is: individual racism is examined as a social psychological phenomenon that based on the bias that might be created by different individual’s ideas and beliefs. While institutional racism is “based on a system in which the White majority ‘raises its social position by exploiting, controlling, and keeping down others who are categorized in racial or ethnic terms’” (Silva 1997: 466) The author considered racism as an institutional matter by using the example that the majority of the society might think minorities as colonists who are not belong to this society originally. At last, structural racism is a system regarding to politics, institutional practices, and cultural representation to strengthen the inequalities between different racial groups. 2.
Now, as I had previously mentioned, the term "mass incarceration" was coined in the 70's to describe the beginning of an era in which people are arrested in dramatically high numbers. During former US president Richard Nixon's time in office, he took on the war on crime and the war on drugs. Which at first glance looks like a positive thing but once you dive deeper into what his real motives are, it's rather eye opening. Let's start with the war on crime. During this time you had the black panthers who were people fighting for civil rights, people who were fighting for women's rights, and people who were fighting for gay rights.
Well, Conflict Theorist indicate that prejudice can occur anywhere in society. For example, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) can be seen as prejudice in society, they believed that the white race was supreme and above all races and their entirety. However Conflict Theorists' would interpret Jim Crow Laws as an example of racial discrimination, which also once again put African-Americans at the bottom of the totem-pole enacted in the 1880s in America .The Ku Klux Klan were prejudice to certain races (Jews, Blacks, etc. ), as they were prejudice to people who were homosexuals also. On the other hand, "Uncle Tom's Cain" by Harriet Beecher Stowe exhibits the prejudice in the South during the era of slavery, she illustrates slavery in-depth.
Racial profiling is defined as “The use of race or ethnicity as grounds for suspecting someone of having committed a crime”. (Oxford Dictionaries | English, Oxford Dictionaries.) For the long history that is The United States of America and even in present day we still see racial profiling. In the past few years even with large media presence on certain cop related incidence or the unfair sentencing of one due to their race we have started to see a change from those within the criminal justice system as well as the citizens of this country, standing up for what is right and just. In 1968 after the country was suffering from riots from Newark to Detroit with damages to the country ranging in the $100 million mark on property damage, 83 people
John F. Kennedy’s assassination was unjust because he works for the equal and civil rights, also his support for the prevention of intellectual disabilities. However, he increases the conflict with the Cuban and communist society, creating problems and disagreements in his administration. You will see reasons, facts and process about his achievements and conflicts during his presidency; finally we will analyze all the arguments to make a conclusion about his administration and his assassination. The shocking images in newspaper and television of police dogs attacking black children and the racial violence made Kennedy feel that broad federal civil rights legislation was necessary, he starts to create the support to change the violence for peace in
Through its body of work, the Telegraph established itself as moderate when compared to African American organizations of the time that advocated for the end of segregation and other Jim Crow practices through violent and nonviolent means on the Left and violent white terrorist groups on the Right, like the Klu Klux Klan. Anderson’s long standing rivalry with the Klan and sharp division in coverage comparisons demonstrate this divide. Historian Virginus Dabney states the Telegraph “dealt savagely with the Supreme Kingdom.” The ability of the paper to expose the “racketeering methods” used by the organization allowed the paper to unleash a “ferocious assault which put these panderers to race prejudice out of business,” Dabney compared their efforts to the Columbus Enquirer-Sun’s crusade against the Klan. The Sun won a Pulitzer Prize in 1926 for its work. However, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People’s coverage of lynching went steps further than the Telegraph.
The civil rights movement represented an era of conflict for Black men as some sought to distinguish themselves as protectors and defy the “demonization of Black masculinity” (Estes, 2005, p.66). Mr. Estes argues that it was defense of the overt racism men experienced which led them to use “masculinist strategies of racial uplift” to gain political and social power (Estes, 2005, p. 7). The author uses a variety of other works to support this analysis of dynamics of race, masculinity and power. However, in referencing newspaper articles, the author admits that these tactics effectively shifted the conversation of the female involvement in civil rights activities and addresses how the bias