The heated debate over Caucasian policeman abusing power in African American areas in the United States has been recently one of the leading topics in media, as a result of a contentious shooting in the town of Ferguson. The NBC News channel invited three authorities on the subject to discuss recent events. Anthony Gray, Michael Brown’s lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, a former NYC mayor and Michael Dyson, a sociology professor from Georgetown University. The debate caused strong controversy. Analyzing particularly Rudy Giuliani’s tone I found it to be highly contemptuous and somewhat elitist, marginalizing Afroamerican communities that encounter authority abuse on a daily basis and excluding them as an inferior social group. The emotions during the …show more content…
“What about the poor black child that is killed by another black child? Why aren't you protesting that?” The argument is surprisingly invalid, coming from a New York City mayor. A sociology professor and a lawyer obviously would protest, but that is not what the debate is regarding. Though not referring to any particular situation, Giuliani speaks of “the poor black child”, attempting to be more dramatic, as if he was mentioning a specific case, not some scenario. For an unknown reason, the speaker suggest that “the child is killed by another black child”, though a scenario would make the same sense referring to a child of any descent. This random situation the ex-mayor introduces is of contentious value in the debate, but it also makes unfair assumptions about the Afroamerican community. Seemingly compassionate, Giuliani simply strays from the point of the discussion. To support it, he refers to Ferguson case saying: “We are talking about the significant exception.” Though on one side he tries to take any blame off the white policeman, he attempts to diminish the importance of the particular case by calling it a significant exception. Even if it is one, is it unnecessary to conduct an in-depth investigation? The ex-mayor might have a point that there are other areas of high relevance, he seems to take questionably legitimate measures to make this certain situation seems as blown out of proportion. The opinion he expresses is not just an opinion, but a highly racially biased statement that ignores some obvious
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Show MoreWe live in a society where ethnic minorities are target for every minimal action and/or crimes, which is a cause to be sentenced up to 50 years in jail. African Americans and Latinos are the ethnic minorities with highest policing crimes. In chapter two of Michelle Alexander’s book, The Lockdown, we are exposed to the different “crimes” that affects African American and Latino minorities. The criminal justice system is a topic discussed in this chapter that argues the inequality that people of color as well as other Americans are exposed to not knowing their rights. Incarceration rates, unreasonable suspicions, and pre-texts used by officers are things that play a huge role in encountering the criminal justice system, which affects the way
Judge Wilson had been judging the DNA evidence and had decided that it was inclusive even though the state’s evidence says, although Smith’s fingerprints are not founded on the gun allegedly in his car, it does not prove that he never handled the gun. Judge Wilson’s final statement was that the court has come to conclusion that an urban heroin dealer not in possession of a firearm would be an anomaly. The newspaper feels that the term “urban” is frequently used as a racial code word and that Wilson expects a black heroin dealer to carry a firearm. Smith’s history of drug dealing should not be pre-judged by Wilson to make his final decision on the murder case. They say there is a biased ruling in favor that a white police officer who killed a (very likely unarmed) black man and that no justice is served to the victims, their families and any American who is fighting for greater racial equality in the justice system.
In his essay “Arrested Development: The Conservative Case Against Racial Profiling” published in the New Republic on September 10, 2001, professor James Forman Jr. illustrates his disagreement with racial profiling. Forman Jr. is a professor at Yale Law School. He teaches Constitutional Law and seminars on race and the criminal justice system. In his piece, Forman primary goal is to create understanding about the effectiveness of racial profiling and how this affects the black community especially youths. Forman achieves this by appealing to a liberal audience.
Assurance in equal justice remains as an overwhelming political principle of American culture. Yet withstanding unbelief exists among numerous racial and ethnic minorities. Their doubt comes as no surprise, given a past filled with differential treatment in the arrangement of criminal equity, an issue particularly clear in police misconduct. Researchers have investigated police responses to racial and ethnic minorities for quite some time, offering sufficient confirmation of minority burden on account of police. These examinations raise doubt about different police techniques of coercive control, maybe none more so than police brutality.
After years of ungrounded criticism from the press and activists, after highly publicized litigation and the passage of ill-considered laws—such as the one making officers financially liable for alleged “racial profiling”—NYPD officers have radically scaled back their discretionary activity. Pedestrian stops have dropped 80 percent citywide and almost 100 percent in some areas. The department is grappling with how to induce officers to use their lawful authority again to stop crime before it happens. Garner’s death was a heartbreaking tragedy, but the unjustified backlash against misdemeanor enforcement is likely to result in more tragedy for New Yorkers” (36, Heather Mac Donald).” Here, Mac Donald makes me feel threatened by the criminal justice system.
In this article, Staples discusses the treatment of African Americans by U.S. police, emphasizing the history of racial profiling and discriminatory treatment. Staples focuses mainly on the arrest of Henry Louis Gates, Jr. who got arrested in his home located in Cambridge, Massachusetts which relvealed the sharp racial divide over what police could do to innocent black people. Robert goes on to explain that the racial underpinnings cause the majoritity of the public to favor law enforcement as a slutionto crime. Robert claims the political support for U.S. legal discrimination leads the people against minorities in criminal penalties over small crimes which usually are nonviolent offenses. I will use this academic article to support my conclusion
some of the police department they still classifying people by there skin color 、 B.The shooting of Michael Brown occurred on August 9, 2014, in Ferguson, Missouri, a suburb of St. Louis. Brown, an 18-year-old black man, was fatally shot by Darren Wilson 28, a white Ferguson police officer. He was shot at least six times, including twice in the head, Aug 10, 2015 B. Some group of people always had a bad attitude towards other race (the old racist stereotype) exist majority in specific state
I see both sides of the world Coates’ describes, my hometown connects to one of the most impoverished and crime ridden cities in the Country-Camden, NJ-while I live comfortably, a stones throw away in “The Dream.” I have seen similar racism to the type Mable Jones saw in high school, where black kids from outside my town, but attended my high school were “accepted” because they “weren’t really black”, but black kids who competed against us in sports were ostracized for the color of their skin (Coates 139). In addition to my connection to Dr. Jones, I have a strong connection to police officers. My dad was a Lieutenant in my local police department, and often had to deal with racism in the department, stories which he often shared with my brother and I. One such story, included an officer who racially profiled a black teenager from a neighboring town, and abused his body to the point of a few broken bones; although in this case the boy was not killed it is just another example of the way police officers have the ability to abuse their power and shatter black bodies with no justification (Coates 87). The officers in both Prince Jones’ case and the boy from my neighboring town, both returned to work with little to no repercussions (Coates 80).
For example, the 6 year old boy accidentally shooting a 6 year old girl in school. This was meant to be a mistake, but they focused on that more then the other shooting. African-American cases are often made big deals when wrong, and ignored when guilty. Overall, when you go to a black people neighbourhood, you could tell that the government is not looking at the places they are in.
Throughout history, disputes and tensions between law enforcement officials and communities of minorities have endured hostility and violence between each other. Racial profiling has become a “hot topic” for researchers as well as for politicians and by now it is likely that most citizens are at least aware of the common accusations of racial bias pitted against law enforcement (Cochran & Warren, 2013). Communities of color are being discriminated against and racially profiled by white police officers for any suspicion of criminal activities. It has been widely assumed by policy makers and citizens alike that allegations of racial profiling are mostly associated with the policing practices of white officers and their treatment of racial and ethnic minorities (Cochran & Warren, 2013). Also, individuals of minority descent will certainly recognize that they are being racially profiled during a stop that is being conducted by a white police officer.
of 2003 and “The Burden of Bad Ideas: How Modern Intellectuals Misshape Our Society” of 2000 contain ideas similar to those expressed in “The War on Cops.” The powerful stance Mac Donald takes on certain themes expressed throughout “The War on Cops” direct the reader’s understanding towards the flaws of America’s governmental systems, revealing the backstory and complexity of racism and criminal justice behind our “war on cops.” To begin, Mac Donald notes one of the many shortcomings of the Obama administration, of which she addresses frequently throughout the book. She criticizes the acknowledgements of police racism and the bias in the criminal justice system made by President Barack Obama on national television, stating “In doing so, he
In “Black Lives Matter”, by New York Times, they say…. “A similar backlash materialized in Cleveland after Mr. McGinty asked a grand jury not to indict the police officer who shot and killed 12- year-old Tamir Rice, who had a toy gun at the time. A 911 caller told an emergency operator that the fun was “probably fake” and that the boy was “probably a juvenile,” but that message failed to reach the officer. The officer shot the child within seconds of arriving on the scene, then stood by for several minutes without providing medical assistance. The episode reminded African- Americans yet again that they lived at mercy for a Police Department that had an utter disregard for black lives (Voters Tell D.As, Black Lives Matter).”
Blacks have been treated unfairly when it comes to a court or the local police. Black’s are getting treated unfairly five times worst than whites. Some blacks and whites say that people especially the police have to work on how to behave with black people. For the past few years,Americans have been engaged in 2 public conversations about inequality.
Alicia Garza: co-creator of the #BlackLivesMatter movement (BLM) advocates that -“Black Lives Matter doesn’t mean your life isn’t important – it means that Black lives, which are seen as without value within White supremacy, are important to your liberation. Given the disproportionate impact state violence has on Black lives, we understand that when Black people in this country get free, the benefits will be wide-reaching and transformative for society as a whole. When we are able to end the hyper-criminalisation of Black people and end the poverty, control and surveillance of Black people, every single person in this world has a better shot at getting and staying free. When Black people get free, everybody gets free.” (The Conversation,2017).
This journal article examines whether a citizen’s individual perception of racial tension, or that of an entire community, leads to a negative attitude toward law enforcement (McNeeley & Grothoff, 2016). Telephone surveys were used in Seattle, Washington, in neighborhoods where there were large proportions of minority residents. These surveys asked various questions, which ranged from gauging overall happiness with police duties, to asking if racial profiling was an issue inside neighborhoods (McNeeley & Grothoff, 2016). The research conducted contributed greatly to current knowledge on the topic, but limitations were also noted, as questions were not asked that could have altered the survey’s