In all reality, a police officer is not responding to the skin color of the individual but to the environment in which the crime has been committed. The article “Black Supporters of Racial Profiling: A Demographic Profile” by Shaun L. Gabbidon, George E. Higgins and Kideste M. Wilder-Bonner. Gabbidon, Higgins, and Wilder-Bonner explain how demographic areas can affect how black males maybe looked at when a crime does occur. “Black males are overrepresented among perpetrators of violent crime, they may be perceived as a real threat and thus an appropriate target of racial profiling particularly in disadvantaged communities of color where violent victimization is most likely to occur” (11). This is biased-based policing and not permitted to happen in any of the states in America.
Furthermore, policymakers implemented administrative decisions in attempts to reduce the crimes and health risks associated with these drugs, but those decisions lead to negative consequences. Overall, the rhetoric behind the War on Terror and the War on Drugs in the United States greatly influences how the public views crimes as social problems by depicting and focusing on the stereotypes of crime and criminals. The rhetoric connected to both the War on Terror and the War on Drugs describe crimes that involve large public reactions. For example, the War on Terror emerged from terrorist acts; such as those acts committed on September 11, 2001 or during the Boston Marathon in 2013. Terrorism leads to moral panic because of the five stages of social problem actors.
Selective incapacitation targets a specific type of offender, the type that is generally dangerous and more likely to continue offending outside of prison. Their prison sentences may be lengthier because of their unstable characteristics. There is a problem with selective incapacitation though; discrimination between races and ethnic minorities happen because they are more commonly found to be in the selective incapacitation approach. The other more expansionist approach is general incapacitation where the broad use of imprisonment is utilized “to achieve large gains in crime prevention by locking away even minor offenders” (Alarid & Reichel, 2017, p. 20). However, with this approach, the problem posed is overpredicting which results in avoidable long sentences for a population that would generally not
You see more non-violent drug convictions in predominantly black and latino neighborhoods because of the crime control model. It allows for more policing of neighborhoods that have been deemed "more susceptible to crime" when in all actuality the neighborhood is only a high volume crime area due to the high volume of police in said area to arrest people for the crimes. In my opinion, to improve our criminal justice system there has to be a true balance between both extremes of this scale for everyone. Too often we see criminal justice is left up to the interpretation of the powers that be and depending on a number of circumstances that could be the difference in two or twenty years in prison. In a nutshell, the crime control model is designed for crime prevention and protection of a community take precedent whereas the due process model is designed for the preservation of an individual's personal freedoms.
In some cases, police harassment simply meant people of African descent were more likely to be stopped and questioned by the police, while at the other extreme, they have suffered beatings, and even murder, at the hands of White police. Questions still arise today about the disproportionately high numbers of people of African descent killed, beaten, and arrested by police in major urban cities of America. Since the mid-1900s the words law enforcement and policing have been used interchangeably. In order to understand the present, one must understand the past relationships between law-enforcement and African-Americans. The Webster’s Unabridged Deluxe defines black as of the darkest color; opposite of white ; a Negro; dirty; evil; wicked; without hope.
Drug dealers possess a lot of money and drugs, such as the Training Day movie, in which money and drugs influence Harris, so he acts criminalized. Lastly, the criminal justice process or the legal consequences that the criminals face are right but not necessarily fair because occasionally the process supports corruption. In other words, the criminals and drugs dealers in the movie do not face the right legal consequences because the criminal justice process including the judges is corrupt. His life experiences with drug dealers, the drugs, and crime in the streets and the corrupt legal system contribute to Harris’
James Queally and Joe Mozingo on the article “Feds fault San Francisco police for violence against minorities and recommend 272 reforms” explains how law enforcement is racially biased towards minorities. Queally and Mozingo support their claim by mentioning the rise of police brutality against Blacks and Latinos and describing the type slurs used when law enforcement are referring to minorities amongst their fellow colleague. The authors’ purpose is to show the reader the type of way law enforcement is unfair to people of color and different cultures. The authors write in a serious tone to those seeking to end police brutality.
In other words, illicit trade of firearms have cause a menace to society. Hence, in order to stop gun smuggling, the government should set up a better strategies of enforcement in the armed forces to combat illegal possession and carrying of firearms. This application have been applied in America and Colombia cities. They enforce gun detection patrols in high-crime areas, enhanced surveillance of probationers and parolees, weapon reporting hotlines, consent searches, and other similar tactics. As a result, it produce a positive outcome as gun carrying have reduce firearm homicides from 10% to 15% in Colombian studies while American studies
Judges, prosecutors, public defenders and the police, while all working to ensure the safety of the public, have conflicting priorities. The police have the incentive to make countless arrests, increasing their arrest rate by aggressively pursuing minor crimes with poor evidence, fabricating stories to discredit the offender and deny the victims. Similarly, the prosecutors have the incentive to convict the defendants brought to them by the police, which is made infinitely more difficult by the influx of weak cases they receive. In the case of the Central Park Five, the moment the DNA evidence was discovered to not match the boys’, the investigation should have been stopped, or at least paused, and moved in a different direction; it is highly improbable that the boys did not leave a single track on the scene, and equally, or more, improbable that the scene did not leave a single trace on them. However, even with the lack of matching DNA evidence, the boys were still convicted of the crime; they had confessed to the crime.
But today, police officers can justify their killing as proper law enforcements. They can explain they also kill white, Asian or Hispanic if there is fierce resistance from criminals or suspects. The stronger opposition against racism gets, the subtler racism becomes. People can experience racism from unknown online, with another reason or by an unacceptable standard as mentioned above. That is why people still try to exclude