In 1950, the authorization of military intervention in Korea lead to the division of the country into North and South where North was the ‘aggressor’ and constituted a breach of the peace . The second implementation of the Article (42) followed the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq resulting in the First Gulf War (Operation Desert Storm) of 1990-1991 . The crackdown of Libyan armed forces against peaceful demonstrations (2011) escalated resulting in the Security Council calling on all member states to ‘take all necessary measures . . .
Most of the other points are significant and relevant. The agreeing side has produced some major points like the disability of FPTP to give rise to small political parties. In my opinion, FPTP is indeed a simple and effective electoral solution. But, it has a number of limitations. The participants have correctly discussed this issue and all agreed that the system needs some revision.
The P5 seem to use their powers mostly for pursuing their own interest. Furthermore, the actions initiated by the council are mostly inefficient in response to international issues. Therefore, this paper is designed to illustrate reasons why the UNSC should be reformed. The first and foremost factor to why the UNSC should be reformed is because the veto power used within the council only revolves around the permanent members’ interests. By 1990s, one
Moreover, he studies the development of the environmental refugees protection as a result of the new attitudes of the international community. This source is useful for the thesis because it studies one of the important defects of the convention which is the narrow refugee definition (MacNamara, 2007). My study will utilize this analysis to discuss the protection of the UNHCR as a separate institution from the CR and connect this analysis to the cooperation between Jordan and UNHCR. Meanwhile, Phuong studies the state’s responsibility to protect in international law including the extent to admit and to protect the refugees, legal framework and gaps of this responsibility. Phuong assess the CR through the assessment of the state responsibility, which is one of the important principles, and at the same time, one of the limitations of the CR.
Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter states that, "all member states shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, nor in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations” . It is therefore a unilateral agreement signed by member states against the use of force when dealing each other. World events however since the signing and ratification of the UN Charter have indicated that states who are signatories to the charter continue to use force against each other for various reasons. Some 25 years after the writing and ratification of the charter one cannot doubt that states have used force and sought to justify it through individual or collective self-defence claims, as well as humanitarian claims in furtherance of national agendas and to increase territory. This no doubt may have been what frustrated Franck into the stance that Article 2(4) was in its grave.
However, the use of arbitration and mediation are the most commonly used. Bales & Eviston noted, “As Congress continues to create new employment and consumer laws, arbitration of disputes continues to expand” continuing “The Supreme Court, however, has consistently endorsed arbitration whether it is by pre-dispute or post-dispute agreement” (2010). Arbitration is a proposal in which all parties agree upon to dispute so that a final decision can be agreed with a legitimate third party; compared to having an actual court case. It is informal, quick, and can have provisions depending on the dispute. Accordingly, mediation is used as an alternative to arbitration.
Experts and these models pretty much suggest that veto power reformation is necessary at some level. However, the compensation between what is ideal and what is unnecessary should be considered beforehand when it comes to suggesting a new model. If you can see from the tables above, suggested models vary in the question of veto, seats, and other factors as well. (Since the top 2 factors are considered as the major conflicting viewpoints of why those models have failed to pass, the tables only show clashing points to see their difference much clearly.) V. Summary and Discussion The first thing that should be discussed when it comes to suggesting a new Security Council reform is regarding the seats for the member countries: how should it be distributed and how should it be divided into permanent and
In chapter 16, “Pakistan First”, Musharraf clarifies the reasons why he didn't force military law rehashing the prior contention: "Our past experience had plentifully exhibited that military law harms military as well as regular citizen establishments, on the grounds that as the armed force gets superimposed on common foundations the organization gets to be reliant on armed force officers to settle on the vital choices that they themselves ought to be making. I thusly chose that there would be no military
The principle of equality and non-discrimination as spelled out in international refugee and human rights law plays a fundamental role in the guarantee of social and economic rights to refugees. Under the refugee law, Article 3 of the 1951 Refugee Convention provides that: “The Contracting States shall apply the provisions of this Convention to refugees without discrimination as to race, religion or country of origin.” From above it is clear that Article 3 of the Convention forbids discrimination only to the extent it is premised on race, religion or country of origin. However, the Preamble to the Convention makes a reference to the UN Charter and also to the UDHR as having affirmed “the principle that human beings shall enjoy fundamental rights and freedoms without discrimination” and the expression by the UN of, “its profound concern for refugees” having “endeavoured to assure refugees the widest possible exercise of these fundamental rights and freedoms”. Consequently, the 1951 Refugee Convention has its roots within the broad contours of the international human rights law framework. Accordingly, the rights enumerated in several international human rights instruments, given that they apply to all people irrespective of status, must apply equally to refugees.
The evidence suggests that public criticisms against the policy probably have existed during the policy-making stage. However, they might have been overlooked by the officials as they might have been too eager to introduce the subject at that time. Amendments to the curriculum could be essential to address the problems in case the disagreement might accumulate and create resistance in promoting