with other individuals, such as Caesar, marking on Rome with an army less than 50 years later. Sulla’s military power and subsequent dictatorship broke many Republic traditions and the constitutional model, and in this way it can be interpreted that Sulla’s march on Rome did seal the fate of the Roman Republic.
Additionally, Sulla’s use of violence during the 2nd Civil is also seen to deteriorate the traditions of the Roman Republic government and set another new precedent of conduct in Rome, with Paterculus citing Sulla had ‘carte blanche for unrestrained conduct in Rome’. (Velleius Paterculus 2.28) Sulla issued a series of proscriptions, a list of individuals that he deemed enemies of the state. The programme was not purely for those whom
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(Appian, Civil Wars 100) Despite the tribunes losing much power to initiate legislation, Cicero implies the government was more stable, and therefore strengthening the Roman Republic.
Despite the huge changes he made to the Roman political sphere, Sulla abdicated as dictator and retirement from Roman politics in 81 BC along with restoring the people’s right to elect consuls. Rev. Hubert A. Holden writes that Sulla was ‘proud of his uniquely faithful fortune’ and that he gave up his power willingly. This showcases Sulla’s attempt to revert Rome back to more conservative Republican values, exemplifying the interpretation that Sulla’s march on Rome did not seal the fate of the Roman Republic. Badian supports this viewpoint, writing that the government was ‘reconstituted’ in 80 BC, after Sulla abdicated, and that politics could begin again according to old rules. Therefore it can be seen that despite the severity of Sulla’s time in office as dictator, his abdication suggests a sense of regret, with scholars indicating that political life saw more Republican traditions after 81
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One interpretation is that Caesar’s life long dictatorship imposed in 44 BC, marked the true end of the Roman Republic. Sulla’s intentions arguably were to bring back peace and stability to Rome, Cicero explains Caesar’s to be extremely different. He writes that Caesar was a 'man who conceived a great desire to be king of the Romans and master of the entire world’.(Cicero, On Duties 3.83) This showcases how Caesar’s march on Rome and subsequent dictatorship was different from Sulla’s as his intentions were to create a long-lasting tyrannical rule. Guy Williams cites how Caesar’s rule imposed more of a threat to the Roman Republic, and that Cicero who had favoured Caesar began to resent the growing power of Caesar. Therefore, it can be interpreted that it was not Sulla’s march on Rome that sealed that fate of Roman Republic, but it was Caesar’s march and his subsequent
138 BC, is considered very significant to Roman history and has left a notable legacy behind after his death in 78 BC. Sulla was famous as he left the legacy of the reforms of the Constitutions of the Rome Republic, laws specifically targeted towards the cursus honorum. In these reforms, Sulla aimed to reduce the level of political power the plebeian tribunes had in society, and remove the existing democracy, also believing in adding power to the Roman senate. Despite these reforms lasting many years after his death, eventually revoked by Pompey and Crassus, Caesar still destroyed the reforms in later years, meaning that his legacy in regards to his constitutional reforms were short lived. He also stands out in history, having served as consul twice, and achieving a dictatorship in Rome, alongside many military successes, including his involvement in the Social War.
Sallust, a highly regarded Roman historian, commented that “…fear of its enemies preserved the food morals of the state, but when the people were relived of this fear, the favourite vices of prosperity-licence and pride-appeared as a natural consequence”. This is corroborated by Florus, a criticized Roman historian and poet “The next hundred years were unhappy and deplorable because of internal calamities. The resources and wealth gained in our conquests spoiled the morals of the age and ruined the state, which was engulfed in its own vices as in a common sewer”. Both Sallust and Florus explain how Tiberius’ death caused the senate to resort to violence in order to keep their power. Consequently, the peace in Rome was disturbed and eventually led to the fall of Rome.
Roman citizens had come to consideration that they, indeed, did have a poor government. The Roman government gave an unjust life to people based on their social rank (Document E). This led to the citizens not appreciating the government as well as the Empire. Most of the emperors in Rome were assassinated so it gives the citizens the intention that if you did not like the emperor you can just kill them (Document A).This tells the reader that it was hard to govern Rome because they constantly kept replacing emperors. Considering that Rome did not have a stable ruling system, citizens of Rome began to doubt and not depend on their government.
The reign of Caligula, the third Roman Emperor from the Julio-Claudian dynasty, has been subject to much debate among historians regarding its significance in the transition of Rome toward monarchy. This essay aims to examine the arguments both for and against the notion that Caligula's reign marked a turning point in Rome, shifting away from the traditions of the Roman Principate (RP) established by Augustus. By drawing upon primary sources, particularly Suetonius' "Lives of the Caesars," we can explore the continuities with Augustus and Tiberius, as well as the innovative decisions made by the earlier Julio-Claudians. Suetonius portrays Caligula as a tyrant, emphasizing his despotic behavior and disregard for Roman norms and institutions.
Reasonable and noble concepts on the surface, however, were underlying with their own contempt for the Senate and optimate party. What could be seen on one side as an attempt to rectify a dangerous and debilitating social system was viewed on the other as nothing more than a power grab and a flagrant attack on the Republican institutional ideas of the time. The goal of the betterment of society as a whole was lost, and victory became the only objective. As ambition and personal motivation became the predominant theme of the Late Republic, the social fabric that long-held Rome together, against all odds, was being torn apart due to the reforms that were set in
We recognize in the construction of the work „ Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire“, that Edward Gibbon, in the first works a total period of 460 years. He begins in 180 AD and ends in 641 AD. Here we see, that the author is largely concerned on the time especially during and after the fall of Rome. In the chapters four to seven he deals with the successors of Marcus Antoninus, namely Septimius Severus, Severus Alexander and
Julius Caesar was a political and military leader whose reign marked the beginning of the Roman Empire and the end of the Roman Republic. Caesar did not always follow the law to get the power that he obtained. Caesar once stated, “If you must break the law, do it to seize power; in all other cases, observe it.” If Caesar saw a way to get power, he took the opportunity even if it meant breaching the law.
This document shows the constant change and just how frequently it happened. This led to the destruction of the government, due to the chaos and fear of death, resulting in distrust between soldiers and emperors. In conclusion, the constant change of emperors caused wariness and disorganization in the Roman Empire and its government.
This paper will show you how Julius Caesar became the man he was and the pros and cons of his leadership. Before Caesar’s monarchy, he was a successful leader of armies. His victories in the Gallic wars only heightened his want for power. By 51 B.C. Julius’ ability to run a military was incomparable, which alone jeopardized Pompey’s leading. Thus, in 50 B.C. Pompey ordered Caesar to disband his army, step down from his military command, and return to Rome.
Lucius Cornelius Sulla was a prominent figure in the late republic of Ancient Rome, rising to power through establishing allies and his military accomplishments. As a member of the patrician class Sulla rose to power through the Roman political ladder (Cursus Honourum). Sulla was the victor of the social war, conducted war against the Mithridates and headed the first civil war in Roman history against Marius. Through his military accomplishments, he gained support from the senate and was later elected consul and then transitioned into dictatorship. He became a well-known dictator in 82 BC where he established a series of governmental reforms altering Rome’s political system.
It seems that the fall of the Roman Republic was not a singular event that occurred instantaneously, but rather a long process that saw the increasing use of methods outside of Republican institutions to settle conflicts between members of the aristocracy over political power. Even as the Roman government transitioned form Kingdom to Republic and then to Empire, the competition between aristocratic families remained a relative constant in across the centuries. So too has the desire to mythologize the past. The romans attributed both the fall of the Kingdom of Rome and the fall of the Roman Republic to moral rot, while a more reasonable assessment might place the blame on a dissatisfied and competitive elite class and an inefficient and unresponsive governmental system that was unwilling or unable to address their concerns. In much the same way, modern observers of the Roman Republic have tended to mythologize the fall of the Republic in the service of creating a moral narrative about the unconscionable tyranny of Cesar and the righteousness of the Senate, or whatever alternative narrative is befitting of the historical moment and audience.
Julius Caesar was the Dictator of Rome in 42 BC who accomplished many things. Many people believed that he was a hero, but Julius Caesar was a very ambitious dictator and was more of a villain than a hero. Julius Caesar was a villain because he didn’t think first before doing something, he forced the Senate to name him dictator for life and he also was a glory hound and put his needs before the republic. To begin with, Julius Caesar was a was a glory hound and put his needs before the republic. Caesar used his power as dictator more towards his advantage instead of helping the people in Rome.
The concept of exemplarity was used extensively throughout Roman literature as a tool to give guidance and enforce authority. By providing an ethical framework of societal precedents, exempla served to govern all facets of Roman public life. The system of exemplarity had an inherent power in Roman society, allowing it to be exploited for personal gain by rulers such as Augustus. Through his monumental literary biography, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, Augustus manipulated exemplarity in order to translate his coercive power into benevolent authority over the people of Rome.
The Life of Marius, written by Plutarch, is a fascinating ancient source detailing the career of the Roman Gaius Marius, 127-86BC. While there are interpretive and reliability issues, the Life of Marius is a particularly useful and significant source. It is our only extensive primary source on Marius, who was a key political figure of late Republican Rome. Additionally, Plutarch’s work indicates not only many crucial military and political development in Rome in the time period, but also gives a reflection of Plutarch’s own Rome and its values and political climate.
Many different internal and external pressures lead to the destruction of the Roman Republic. Cornelius Sulla, a Roman general, dictator and optimate, anticipated and was aware of the results of many powerful and