In Emmett Rensin 's Vox article, "The Smug Style in American Liberalism", he criticizes the smug air found within the minds of modern liberals. He lays out the mindset "smug style" as "…a way of conducting politics, predicated on the belief that American life is not divided by moral difference or policy divergence… but by the failure of half the country to know what 's good for them." He gains a sense of ethos in the essay due to his credibility as a liberal writer and cements his reliability using relevant examples to solidify his argument. He plays upon the emotions of his audience with an expert use of pathos with references to real examples of the harsh treatment of people deemed "wrong" by liberals. He also highlights common unflattering traits that are common with the liberal masses. The use of these rhetorical appeals and the examination of the aforementioned liberal traits allows Rensin to make a compelling and convincing argument in his essay. Rensin identifies common traits shared by liberals and, to cut down on length, I will put them into three succinct …show more content…
In his essay, Emmett Rensin utilizes real-world examples in order to trigger emotion in his audience and solidify his argument as the truth. While this essay does not often utilize the rhetorical appeal of ethos, an amount of credibility can be distinguished from Rensin 's position as a liberal writer. In his argument, he highlights three major faults found commonly amongst liberal masses: the knowing, the judgement, and the hate. While all three faults are internally linked, each has its own significant blemish on the liberal image. While he does not directly state his audience, one can assume that Rensin wrote not only to call the offending liberals out for their errors, but also to inform a younger audience in order to evoke change within the liberal community. This article, while rather long and repetitive, makes several important observations and implications on the liberal media and the liberal
Have you ever seen a sign and scratched your head wondering what is it trying to communicate? All around the Unites States, patriotic slogans are countless and in Gary Sloan’s article “Sleuthing Patriotic Slogans,” Sloan presents readers with his thoughts concerning patriotic slogans by questioning various patriotic expressions, parsing each of the words for meaning. Sloan sparks critical thinking about various slogans through his thoughtful writing style and use of rhetorical appeals. This rhetorical analysis shows the varied degrees of success with which Sloan uses ethos, logos, and pathos: while Mr. Sloan’s credibility appeal is strong because of his teaching background and his use of logical appeal by breaking down words into meaning is difficult to argue with, his use of emotional appeal is somewhat weak.
David Brooks utilizes the rhetorical devices of Logos, Ethos, and Pathos to build his argument that disrespecting American values is counterproductive. First, Brooks uses the Rhetorical device of Pathos to appeal to the emotions of the reader. He says that “Over the centuries, this civic religion fired a fervent desire for change”(Par. 6). Brooks uses the word “fervent” in his writing, because it appeals to the emotions of the reader, It expresses the extent of the desire for change. This is known as pathos.
In William Cronon’s essay “Only Connect” he poses the question to his audience on trying to deduce the concept of liberal education. Cronon makes it clear within his essay that a liberal education goes beyond earning a degree and fulfilling credit hours; to him there's something more deeper in a liberal education that helps shape an individual’s life. He discusses some historical background information on where liberal education came from by citing how the word “liberal” developed throughout time and he even mentions how the liberal arts curriculum developed. Throughout, the majority of the essay Cronon makes a valid argument on what the purpose of a liberal education does for individuals pursuing college. In his opinion, he believes a liberal
Through the analysis of the numerous arguments that we have read throughout the course, I have learned how to effectively catch logical fallacies in arguments. Although the use of appeals was a review from high school, I had trouble telling the difference and distinguishing which appeal was which. I have learned how to differentiate and distinguish emotional from rational rom ethical appeals in literary works. I was able to apply what I’ve learned to the presidential debates, which shed light on the candidates’ arguments. I learned that using fallacies can be dangerous, especially in an important event.
1), unsuccessful programs (Docs. 2, 3, and 5), and skewed morals (Docs. 4 and 6). They believed that the era’s liberalism was hindering American society, and this belief only grew as time passed; Richard Nixon, for example, was elected in the 1970s off of a catering to a so called conservative ‘silent majority’. Past Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, liberalism in America up to 1989 could be found in welfare programs (Docs. 2 and 3), changing views towards society as a whole (Docs. 4 and 6), ‘hippie’ culture, and more. Threats to ‘traditional values’ could be found in all of these
When trying to define a word such as Liberalism it seems difficult to find a solid definition. There are different forms of liberalism and different meanings depending on the time period it is being applied to (idea taken from Phil Badger author from philosophynow). To solve this ambiguity, I’ve decided to define liberalism based on the time period in which I will be conducting my research. Liberalism in the 1700s was the belief of freedom and equals rights generally associated with the enlightenment thinkers, John Locke and Montesquieu (as defined by wikipedia.org). Liberalism didn’t start in the 1700s.
There are two objectives of this essay; first is to prove that conservatism in Michael Oakeshott’s ‘On Being Conservative’ piece is logical and valid on two premises: a) the maintenance of order to promote stability in practicing conservatism in government despite adopting radical approach in its other activity, and b) its cautiousness that makes it relevant to practice. Secondly, to argue that Oakeshott’s conservatism, is however incomplete and flawed as it does not provide the alternative of progressing, plus not considering the variations of individuals in the society. In order to critically analyse this essay, we need to understand what influenced him, hence his political theory. Oakeshott is considered as a skeptical philosopher and is
In the first place, we have izbegavajte ovu konstrukciju Louis Ironson, a leftist Jewish word processor and the most vocal character when it comes to politics. He simply loves to talk about his leftist views, and at great lengths. As Corby points it out (21), Louis is as far Left as Roy is Right. They are, therefore, the two most contrasting characters in the play with radically different perspectives of the world. We get familiar with Louis’s disdain for Reagan and his supporters from the very beginning when he calls his colleagues in the Justice Department: “Reaganite heartless macho asshole lawyers” (Kushner 2011: 35).
On November 13th, 1969, Spiro Agnew, who was the Vice President at the time, gave the speech, Television News Coverage, about how news producers are becoming too powerful (Bibliography.com.) To successfully inform his audience, he uses many rhetorical strategies to keep everyone engaged and attentive. Agnew delivered an exceptional speech by using multiple techniques such as analogies, anaphoras, parallelism, and rhetorical questions to justify this problem to his audience. To help his audience understand what is being addressed, Agnew uses analogies to connect his ideas to familiar objects.
Robert Reich’s, essay, “Don’t Blame Wal-Mart”, is an excellent example of strong and effective persuasive rhetoric. Reich relies heavily on passionate pathos mingled with powerful logos and convincing ethos. Reich begins his essay with pathos, an appeal that utilizes reasoning while playing to the reader’s emotions. (Weida and Stolley) One way in which Reich develops pathos is the use of words with extremely negative connotation. He writes, “the worst kind of economic exploitation”.
The Pitfalls of Liberalism was a document by Stokely Carmichael who is known as one of the most recognized exponents of the “Black Power.” Movement. Stokely Carmichaels main argument in this document is that the efforts of Dr. Martin Luther King along with other civil rights activists had reached an endpoint since the use of “Widespread resistance within America” (238) was in effect. Throughout the semester, we have never seen a document where a leaders only solution to advance is by “calling for the mobilization of organized violence by African-Americans in order to seize political power” (238). The concept of calling upon one single race to take action is new.
In conclusion, Dana Gioia applies vocabulary and rhetorical appeals to actively influence his audience to agree to his argument. Furthermore, connecting his audience to the subject and inspiring them to help his issues and understand his
In “Idiot Nation”, Michael Moore uses great structure and pathos to present his argument and appeal to his readers. His ideology supported well by statistical data and is further illustrated by personal experiences. Though, Moore is bias because he is an activist and social critic, and he doesn 't express the views of the opposing side. His emotions are loud and clear in his writing, and Moore has done an outstanding job of getting his message across of the concern for the well-being of the American
In Judith Shklar’s well known 1989 essay, The Liberalism of Fear, Shklar analyzes her view on political liberalism. In other words, Judith believes that liberalism has only one potential purpose/goal. Judith Shklar mentions how the goal for liberalism is to ultimately fix the political conditions which is significant for personal freedom. Using this idea, Judith Shklar further demonstrates her views on liberalism by comparing liberalism of fear and other types of liberalism in her essay ( such as John Locked John Stuart Mill) . Judith Shklar believes that John Locke’s liberalism of natural rights is simply an attempt to fulfill an determined standard order “The liberalism of natural rights envisages a just society composed of politically sturdy citizens, each able and willing to stand up for himself and others” (26-27).
Based on the argument from Mack’s article, Individualism and Libertarian Rights, and Michael Sandel’s chapter on Liberalism, they both state that people have a right to make their own choices with their beliefs, resources, and possessions. This means that people could have choose to sell their organs, send money to the poor, or even commit suicide as they wish. This is based on Michael Sandel’s examples (Sandel, 70-74). The ultimate argument is that liberals believe that a person has his right to private property in order to protect their human rights; however, they believe that some action (e.g. refusing to pay taxation) has its restrictions. When reading this text, I felt that some events cannot apply to liberalism due to the severity of