Review Of Rodolfo 'Gonzales' Speech: The Chicano Nationalist Movement

In Leo R. Chavez’s ethnography, The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation, the claimed problem of Latino immigration, specifically Mexicans, is tackled using interviews, statistics, and other works of literature. Chavez’s ethnography not only discusses Latino immigration but Latino invasion, integration, organ transplants and even Latina fertilization. One of Chavez’s big topics is on how the media influences the public to believe that Latinos are planning an invasion or take-over in order to gain the land that was originally Mexico’s. The topic of Latina reproduction and fertilization comes up multiple times through Chavez’s ethnography. Another main topic that plays a part in Chavez’s argument is the Latino role in public marches and the citizenship aspect of their actions. Chavez even discusses the role that children of

In order to write this book, the author clearly uses different manuscripts and papers that helped him to explain and show the situation of this social movement. He also uses and gets information from people that were living those situations, for instance in Chapter one, he mentions a note from Journalist Ruiz Ibañez: “Contrary to the common belief that those groups are composed of “punks” and hoodlums….”1. Related to him, he is an American historian and sociology that obtained his sociology and political science degrees in the University of Texas at Austin and Yale University, as well. Currently, he is a professor of Ethnic Studies at the University of California, Berkeley and he is president of the Center for Latino Policy Research. He wrote not only Quixote’s Soldiers but also, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986. Definitively, the last book mentioned was his best publication which made him win awards from the American Historical

To many people “I am Joaquin” is more than just an epic poem, it is the anthem of the Chicano movement which embodies our peoples struggles and culture. What made the work become the Chicano Movements anthem is the fact that it is a piece that seems to evaluate the Chicanos and their history from the good to the bad. It also seems to emphasize the Chicanos search and struggle for identity starting from the beginning of the Spanish conquest to our modern times. Basically this poem has become such an iconic work because it attempts and succeeds in encompassing as much Chicano history into it and makes no bias choice as it has both positive historical moments and negative, but they all tie back to Chicanos and their history.

The film prejudice and pride, revealed the struggle of Mexican Americans in the 1960s-1970s. In the film it showed Mexican Americans, frustration by the President discrimination and poverty. In this film I learned about the movement that led to the Chicano identity. This movement sparked, when the farm workers in the fields of California, marched on Sacramento for equal pay and humane working conditions. This march was led by César Chavez and Dolores Huerta. In this film I also learned about Sal Castro. Sal Castro was a school teacher in Los Angeles that led the largest high school student walkout in American history. This walkout demanded that Chicano students be given the same educational opportunities as Anglos students. In Texas, Jose

Leo Chavez’s book focuses on the guise of Latinos threatening the American way of life. He defines this as “The Latino Threat” , He states that the Latino threat narrative positions Latinos as not sharing similarities with any previous migrant groups into the U.S. and that they are unwilling and incapable of integrating and becoming part of the national community (Chavez,3). This is merely

The 1960s and 1970s were decades of political turmoil in Latin American countries , in a political and diplomatic climate strongly influenced by the dynamics of the Cold War. This formed the background for the work of the writers of the Latin American Boom, and defined the context in which their sometimes radical ideas had to operate The Latin American Boom was a literary movement that not only impacted literature but impacted politics throughout Latin America gateway to modern Latin American Literature that created an international profile and left be-hind a worldwide reputation with these talented and rebellious novelists freely expressing their political views within their writings it was only a matter of time before change began.

“Aztlan, Cibola and Frontier New Spain” is a chapter in Between the Conquests written by John R. Chavez. In this chapter Chavez states how Chicano and other indigenous American ancestors had migrated and how the migration help form an important part of the Chicanos image of themselves as a natives of the south.

In effect of African-Americans fighting for their civil rights, Mexican-Americans formed La Raza Unida when they saw that, “even the most disillusioned Mexican-American begin to dream large dreams again” (372). The civil rights movement for African-Americans helped opened the eyes of Mexican-Americans, and they soon realized that there was a disadvantaged minority. At this time period, they faced “the same level economically, but substantially below educationally” compared to African-Americans (372). “Mexican-Americans is not too much better off than the Negro” (372). After world war two, many Mexican-Americans wanted to be acknowledged for their sacrifice for serving their country. They still had faith that the American dream is still

In John Hartmire’s essay “At the Heart of a Historic Movement” is about the movement that Cesar Chavez had lead and about Hartmire when he was a child during the movement. Hartmire had made it seem like the movement that Chavez was leading did not allow him grow up like the other children. He sounds like he was against him at first when he was a child because he would hardly see his father and his family were always attending rallies for Chavez’s movement. Hartmire says in his essay “I was dragged to marches in the coachella and san joaquin valleys. I was taken out of school to attend union meeting and rallies that interested me even less that geometry class. I spent time in supermarket parking lots reluctantly passing out leaflets and urging shoppers not

During the 1920s, the Chicano movement faced many political challenges. One of the many problems was many teachers didn 't put in effort to teach Chicanos. In addition, schools had student’s graduate high schools without even being ready for college. One example of the political challenges the Chicano movement suffers is discussed in the History of a Barrio by Richard Romo the author asserts; “the Los Angeles School District maintained separate schools for Mexicans on the premise that Mexicans had special needs” [Romo 139]. In other words, this demonstrates that school districts separated Chicanos from normal classes because they had trouble learning. This displays the political struggles the Chicano movement endures because the district wouldn

societies in the world. These sub-cultures include Whites, African Americans, Asians, Irish, Latino, and European among others. Chicano refers to the identity of Mexican-American descendant in the United State. The term is also used to refer to the Mexicans or Latinos in general. Chicanos are descendants of different races such as Central American Indians, Spanish, Africans, Native Americans, and Europeans. Chicano culture came as result of a mixture of different cultures (Shingles and Cartwright 86). Despite the assimilation by the majority whites the Chicanos have preserved their culture. This paper seeks to prove that Chicano culture has deep cultural attributes that would appeal to the larger American culture, leading to strengthening of

The Chicano movement started with injustice in education. “In Texas and California, Mexican Americans were involved in numerous desegregation court battles,” Muñoz reports, “the first was ‘Jesus Salvatierra v. Independent School District’ in Del Rio, Texas in 1930” This was a result of Mexican American students having less resources than their white counterparts.

The East Los Angeles School walkouts and Chicano Moratorium are two historical examples that emphasize forms of Chicana and Chicano resistance that have been examined in varied ways, particularly through print media such as the Los Angeles Times and La Raza. In 1968 more than 10,000 Chicana and Chicano students walked out of schools in East Los Angeles to protest inferior educational conditions and demand equal access to quality education. Then, in 1970, the Chicano Moratorium, which intended to be a peaceful demonstration to call for social justice and protest the Vietnam war, transformed into a display of police repression and brutality that left several marchers dead. Descriptive material, such as print media, served as instrumental extensions

On 1963, Martin Luther King Jr. and many other Black Civil Rights leaders staged the famous “March on Washington”. There Martin Luther Kings Jr. gave his famous “I Have a Dream” Speech, where he argued that people judge each other on their character, rather than their race or how they look. The event had more than 200,000 participants and it is credited as one of the most important events in Black Civil rights. However, the awareness it brought to African- Americans, was also brought to other Minorities such as Hispanic- Americans. The message of the African American Civil rights groups was (for the majority of them) that it was unfair to discriminate against someone because of their race and they pushed for equality in society. This idea of equality regardless of race resonated in the Hispanic- American Community. The support that the Black Community received as a result of the “March on Washington” encouraged Hispanic- Americans that the same could happen for their community if they brought awareness to the issues they faced a Hispanic- Americans. So, like the African American community, started to organize protests and strikes to bring awareness to their community, forming to Chicano

The continuous action of student walkouts on March 6 through March 8 in 1968: gained momentum as 2,700 students from Garfield, 500 students from Roosevelt, 15,000 Students from Lincoln, Wilson and Belmont decided to join the Student Walkout movement. The ties between political and militant activist Chicano groups began to formulate their demands through the formation of the Educational Issues Coordinating Committee (EICC) after the board of education decided to listen to the student’s demands of school reformation on March 11 in exchange to halt the progress of student walkouts. According to the “East L.A Blowout: Walking Out for Justice in the Classrooms” students identified thirty-eight demands to the Los Angeles Board of Education. The demands proposed by students were a set of reformations that the students wanted the board of education to consider like new school resources, Chicano school representatives, the freedom to practice their traditional language which in this case meant of allowing Chicano students to speak Spanish in school facilities but unfortunately not all demands were met because the board of education claimed that there wasn’t enough funding for Chicano programs. From another point of view, the government was not the only groups that was against student movements but also middle class Hispanics. Chicanos viewed the movement as insignificant. The implications of the rejection of some of the thirty-eight demands proposed by the EICC, determines the position of the board of education in East L.A. when discussing reformation for Chicano students. Overall, contradiction within internal and external Chicano groups, ranging from social status led to the