Injustice and inequality often ignite the sparks of social and political movements. The Chicano (Mexican-American) and Puerto Rican movements of the 1900s provide such examples. Latinos are often considered a homogeneous and involved political subsection or as Beltrán describes a ‘sleeping giant.’ The metaphor describes a sleeping giant who contains much political control through its sheer size but does little with its power. Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans have historically proven this metaphor wrong and mobilized in great numbers to affect real change within their respective communities. Yet, though these movements originated from similar dilemmas and often used similar tactics, Latino uniformity within the political or social sphere …show more content…
Youth played an immense part to these parties as well as bridging the gaps between social classes among the same ethnic groups. For example, Chicanos college students pushed their message of cultural perversion and racial equality through ‘blowouts’ and spoke for more Chicano educational programs at their universities. Young students throughout the Puerto Rican movement set up The Puerto Rican Student Union (La Unión) which pushed for better education services for Latinos. The new focuses of these groups became perceiving their identities, rather pushing for assimilation into ‘American’ culture.Though Puerto Ricans and Mexicans each attempted to achieve social change through way of the Democratic party, both shifted their focus on more internal change. Culture and education became two of the main avenues through which the movements strived for …show more content…
Unity for Chicanos came in the form of an idea, of a dream, called El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán (The Spiritual Plan of Aztlán). ‘Plan of Aztlán’ became one the Chicanos signature ideas, this ‘Plan’ “sought to connect Chicanos to their indigenous past while… reminding them of the colonial implications of the Mexican-American war.” The ‘Plan’ become a method through which Mexican-Americans could be united through their shared ancestry and culture. Simultaneously, the Young Lords pushed for unity through a much more radical avenue. The Lords aimed to liberate their fellow Puerto Ricans and thus “rejected the established norms and American values… [and] ideas that perpetuate the supremacy of the male, the dehumanization of homosexuals, and inequality of our diverse racial origins.” The Young Lords strived towards revolutionary nationalism by promoting and thus uniting their communities behind societal changes. The Chicano movement leaned more towards cultural nationalism attempting to unity their communities through shared history; these differences unifying strategies greatly affected the gender relations within the
Student Name Tutor Course Date Significance of the Chicano Movement El Plan de Aztlan and Borderlands Literary Works Literary works, such as Borderlands by Anzaldúa and the El Plan de Aztlan manifesto were pivotal in conveying the demands and hopes of the Mexican-Americans in the Chicano Movement. In essence, El Plan de Aztlan was a blueprint on how the Chicanos could establish their own nation in the southwestern part of the America to facilitate self-determination, equal rights and opportunities, and to allow them to preserve their culture. The manifesto is a comprehensive delineation of the movement’s achievements, failures, challenges, and future expectations. The Borderlands/ La Frontera is a semi-autobiographical seminal book that focuses on the Mexican-American’s life experiences, including their language and identity.
Even though they were essentially fighting many of the same battles for equality, they never united and fought together. Behnken describes the Mexican-American movement in the 1950s as being primarily focused on fighting “for rights by positioning themselves as members of the white race in order to avoid Jim Crow.” LULAC (the League of United Latin American Citizens) had a very specific strategy for the Mexican-American civil rights movement—the whiteness strategy. This strategy, had been successful in granting other nationalities and races (“Jews, Irish, and Eastern Europeans”) the recognition of being white. LULAC hoped to adopt this approach and eradicate Mexican-American Jim Crow.
In effect of African-Americans fighting for their civil rights, Mexican-Americans formed La Raza Unida when they saw that, “even the most disillusioned Mexican-American begin to dream large dreams again” (372). The civil rights movement for African-Americans helped opened the eyes of Mexican-Americans, and they soon realized that there was a disadvantaged minority. At this time period, they faced “the same level economically, but substantially below educationally” compared to African-Americans (372). “Mexican-Americans is not too much better off than the Negro” (372). After world war two, many Mexican-Americans wanted to be acknowledged for their sacrifice for serving their country.
Kaplowitz states that LULAC leaders were a “merger of several community groups” and most of its leadership was comprised of “middle-class Mexican Americans.” The “racial segregation” (Cepeda 37) practices were not only against African Americans, but as well it was towards Mexicans based on “language, national origin, and immigration status” (Cepeda 37) in the Southern states. To represent those who been discriminated and need legal services during that time were LULAC even though they were “young, decentralized, and underfunded” (Cepeda 37), but had the “will to fight” (Cepeda 37), make change come about, and “the fire” (Cepeda 37) for civil rights. The creation of LULAC helped many Hispanics then and even until this day still fighting many “social problem[s]” (Murata 4) that many Latinos face in today’s
The Chicano movement was formed by mexican-americans. They influenced the Chicano culture and Chicano artistic expression by giving it the power to find themselves and express. The Chicano culture allowed them to know about themselves. It can be different than other U.S cultures and can be under estimated. The Chicano artistic expression allows people to express themselves.
The Chicano movement derives from early oppression of Mexicans. Robert Rodrigo, author of “The Origins and History of the Chicano Movement” acknowledges that, “At the end of the Mexican American war in 1848, Mexico lost half of its territory to the United States and its Mexican residents became ‘strangers in their own lands.’” In stating this fact, Rodrigo exemplifies the United States’ relations with Mexico, that, ultimately, led to their oppression. Moreover, these early relations led to social injustice for the Mexican community. Carlos Muñoz, author of The Chicano Movement: Mexican American History and the Struggle for Equality reports, “As a conquered people, beginning with the Texas-Mexico War of 1836 and the U.S. Mexico War of 1846-48, they have
As the Latino population of the United States continues to burgeon, so does its influence in all aspects of American society. The far-reaching influence of Latinos has exploded in the past few decades, with 17% of the U.S. population who identify as Latino controlling over $1.5 trillion USD in spending power. A section of society where Latino influence continues to rise is in the American political process and the formation of public policy. Latinos have managed to fill a vacant position in nearly every spot of government, culminating with a U.S. Latino holding a crucial stake in a fierce battle for the presidency. As Latinos continue to grow in size and influence, attention should be invested in promoting civic engagement and enhancing political representation of Latinos at all levels of government.
This book explores the relational forces of the Latino migrant movement and the homeland security state. From 2001-2012, the intensification of deportations towards the Latino community increased from 180,000 to 400,000+ deportations. Although the book frames this period as a time of great state repression and violence, it has been categorized as a time of great resistance, organization, and mobilization and analyzes the 2006 Mega Marches. The author takes a Gramscian approach to illustrate how the struggle for immigrant politics occurs at both the state level and that of civil society. Gonzales expands on the role of immigrant right activists and the ways they have framed their rights claims.
They are the Henry B. Gonzalez’s for example which take a less radical approach. Henry B. over the years of his political career aimed for a softer side when raising Latino issues. His “softer side” approach aimed to bring Latinos and Anglos together as one body, which was geared by his strong belief in assimilation. He tried to blend issues together and avoid the “us against them” standoff that always partakes with minority politics. His influence on the Mexican American people led John F. Kennedy to recruit Gonzalez as one his lead associates to rally the Latino vote during his presidential race.
A dichotomy is a when there are two or more polarizing ideas surrounding the same topic or ideology. The dichotomy that I have chosen to discuss is one that affects most first generation students and the communities they hail from. This dichotomy is the divide between the different economic classes of minorities specifically in the american latino and hispanic communities. These flaws in overall unification come from things as simple as geographical differences to as complex as socioeconomic place and education status. The “us vs them” dichotomy of the differing economic classes felt by the american latino community has divided and weakened the community by serving to prevent the formation of a unified front when facing social and economic issues.
The foundations of a U.S. Latino politics has its shared experiences and common interest. There are some political studies from the 1920’s and 1930’s, but the Voting Rights Act to Hispanic communities was in 1975. The VRA was the beginning era of national recognitions, also the beginning of expectations for Hispanics politics other then Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, or Puerto Ricans. Theres been large changes in the mid-1960’s in the Latino population which created shares interests with Latinos in there ancestries and origins. From all the Latinos as in Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and others have to be heard and understood for todays Latino Politics.
(Gonzales, 337) This shows his recognition of the importance of the youth in the Chicano Nationalism Movement, as well as the need for organized protests in order for the movement to
Basically, what the authors tries to show is a strong abandonment of the government to the chronic gang violence and a big division of two group of people. “Sociologist Buford Farris likewise described the social relation between Anglos and Mexican Americans in the mid-sixties as a model of two almost separate systems”2. The division of these two group of people made that a small group of businessmen “controlled all commences and development”3. In the second part, the author gives a description of how the Chicano Movement starts getting Mexican American students and politically aware youth workers and to form the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO). Later, the women movement is going to be added to this group since they were not strong enough or they were not considered equal as the Chicanos.
“The common denominator all Latinos have is that we want some respect. That 's what we 're all fighting for” - Cristina Saralegui. Judith Ortiz Cofer published the article, “The Myth of the Latin Woman,” where she expresses her anger towards stereotypes, inequality, and degradation of Latin Americans. Cofer explains the origins of these perceived views and proceeds to empower Latin American women to champion over them. Cofer establishes her credibility as a Latin American woman with personal anecdotes that emphasize her frustration of the unfair depiction of Latinos in society.
Chicano culture came as result of a mixture of different cultures (Shingles and Cartwright 86). Despite the assimilation by the majority whites the Chicanos have preserved their culture. This paper seeks to prove that Chicano culture has deep cultural attributes that would appeal to the larger American culture, leading to strengthening of