IV.The Political Ramifications of Governmental Corruption and Financial neglect of Union Agreements
Finally, the political ramifications of the Neo-Liberal BC government define the veneer of democratic involvement in order to help union truck drivers. The hostility of the BC government to the UNIFOR strike is an important example of the near totality of a corporate influence government that has very little tolerance for workers rights and union demands during the 2014 strike. In response to the initial strike, the BC government sought to utilize a “Back-To Work” law that would have forced the striking UNIFOR drivers to begin moving storage containers throughout the port. This Neo-Liberal agenda defines the pro-corporate view of unions as
…show more content…
para.4).
This type of legislative hostility supports the contention that the BC government did not seek diplomatic or negotiating terms at first, which suggest the power of corporate culture in the government’s reaction to the strike. The “Back-to Work” policies of the government reflect a pro-corporate political agenda that is in line with the Neo-Liberal agenda that has been being projected onto the unions and other port truck drivers. The political culture of the BC government is hostile to the enforcement of the strike agreements and enforcing the wage increases of the union contract.
In addition to bureaucratic posturing, the local governmental organizations meant to represent the truck drivers have been co-opted by pro-corporate agents that have become an obstacle to government enforcement of wage increases and policy changes. UNIFOR has become politically involved in exposing the transparency of corporate/government collusion to keep wages low and to not represent the unions through previously made agreements. The current B.C. Maritime Employer’s Association has been an example of the Neo-Liberal aspects of governance in the nomination of Andy Smith as the new
…show more content…
UNIFOR has been active in exposing the political aspects of Neo-Liberal agenda that utilizes the “revolving door” practices of allowing former corporate officials to be inserted into government positions. In the case of Andy Smith, the current problem of corporate collusion in government officiating has created a barrier to effective resolution to the problem of fair wages, licensing agreements, and the proper mediation between union and trucking companies that are needed. These aspects of the unions, port authorities, organizational officials, and the BC government define the overarching power of a Neo-Liberal agenda that is generated through the corporate power of the American trucking companies being used in Port Metro
In Kim Phillips-Fein’s narrative, Invisible Hands, she highlights key figures that joined together to try to end the New Deal. The group consisted of elite businessmen and theorists who became extremely politically influential in the 1930s to 1980s. The ultimate goal for this group, the conservative party, was to maximize profits and lobby against government regulations, policies, and unions that jeopardized their profits. Phillips-Fein gives an inside look at the creation of the conservative party and the decades of bombardment that America took while the conservative movement influenced policy all throughout the country.
Southam Newspaper Chain, Firestone, and Westinghouse all experienced closures due to striking workers. Yet, it was the Stelco strike which would have the greatest effect. It came to a head on July 10th, when the federal government declared they were taking control of the steel industry and that striking was illegal (p. 46). In response, the steelworkers’ union of Hamilton held a meeting, where they made the decision to strike. Straight from the meeting, they headed to Stelco, rounding up workers of other professions along the way.
Dankert discusses various aspects of this 1907 labour act. Using various tables and following a statistical approach, Dankert details the origins, provisions, procedures and applications of the act in history. He argues that the illegal strikes and lockouts occurring in the five years immediately following the war have not only been more numerous but also more extensive in number of employees affected and working days lost than any resistance before the war (156). In regards to my paper, Dankert’s discussion of this act is essential in providing context of the labour policies and legislation in place before and during World War I, as well as shedding light on the relationship between the Canadian government and the working
Leo W. Gerard writes the critical column “Murdering American Manufacturing/‘Strictly Business’” in an attempt to foreshadow the imminent doom of American manufacturing due to corporations leaving for Mexico. In the column, Gerard compares the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in an analogy to “labor abuses, not improvements”, so that the Trans-Pacific Partnership receives an understood omen of failure. In an urgent manner, the columnist bashes the TPP proposal; however he loses the reader from misplacing the main idea near the end of the column. Emitting pathos, Gerard’s tone is the equivalent to a fervent plea directed at individuals who have fallen victim to the exodus of American companies. Beginning his column, Gerard is cautious about his word choice.
Unit 2 Case Study: Union Racketeering The four unions that were identified by a congressional committee in 1983 as being completely dominated by men affiliated with organized crime was the Laborers International Union of North America, Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union, International Longshoremen’s Association, and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The Laborers International Union of North America was headed by Ernest Kumerov, who was married to the daughter of the late Outfit boss Tony Accordo. This union was formed in 1903, and was used to control laborers over many construction sites. Many top leaders of this union were eventually arrested and charged with many crimes from gambling to murder.
The Senate is a chamber of "sober second thought" in which its members review the legislation that has passed through three readings in the House of Commons. They review most of the bills with a lens that explanations for their regional constituents, particularly those who may not have figured into the debate of the MPs who represent most their constituents, and evaluate how each new law or policy would affect the Canadian people (Dodek, 2015, 39). But this legislative body has long been criticized for not being representative of a democracy and there is no time in our history in which there have not been calls for its abolition or reform. According to Docherty (2002) the Canadian Senate "represents and embodies some of the most anti-democratic
Working Conditions of Farm workers in San Joaquin County Besides its strategic location, San Joaquin County produces more than 250 verities of crops. Key of these crops includes fruits, vegetables and partly dairy animal production. The produce leads to top development of San Joaquin county maturity. Moreover, the recent research shows that, the county gross product increases up to 25 billion every year.
Headlines flash by the screen panning images of Negros for sale cuffed in chains; Negros who were forced to come to a country killed for being in the country; Negros who were whipped and sold off as property. Then, the images change drastically from slavery in the field to slavery inside a factory. Finally Got the News is a documentary that highlights the hidden legacy of the radical left of the 1970s; a time period when social movements challenged racism, imperialism and capitalism itself (Giroux). The title of the documentary comes from a slogan used by the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, “Finally got the news, how your dues being used,” referring to the league’s outward hostility toward the United Auto Workers union.
1. As many of us know, union political action takes four basic forms: (1) financial support to candidates favoring union positions, (2) volunteer work by union members in campaigns, (3) endorsement of candidates and get-out-the-vote efforts, (4) and lobbying. All of the above forms are important in our cause but what I believe I should be assigned to lead the endorsement of candidates and get-out-the-vote efforts. Unions have put in a substantially increased amount of volunteer and financial resources since 1995.
However, the article relies heavily on Jeff Watson being the major source with his volunteers making the article very unbalanced. Jeff Watson, being a politician, has a key interest in how the story is presented as he uses the protest to accuse Tracey Ramsey, a fellow competitor, of being involved with the rude behaviour. As presented in the indirect quote of Watson saying that Tracey needed to denounce the behaviour because her party receives plenty of support from unions like Unifor. Other than the response from NDP representative Tracey Ramsey, no sources were from the unions’ point of view, making the article very unbalanced. Jeff Watson is also not a credible source even though many people believe his word to be true since he is high on the political hierarchy and is a man of power.
Labour and war dominated 1940s Canada as the national conversation and is explored in Wendy Cuthbertson’s book Labour Goes to War: The CIO and the Construction of a New Social Order 1939-45. As North American society entered into a second World War, less than thirty years after the end of the first; and a decade of depression caused by a fluctuating economy Canada was now ready to explore the evolving relationship between labour and politics. Cuthbertsons work captures the growth of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) from 1939-45 by exploring the social, political and economic aspects of labour. Labour Goes to War presents readers with a comprehensive look at the interwar years, touching upon aspects of gender, ethnicity, and equality.
I propose that a significant majority of maquiladora unions maintained a strong relationship with the Mexican State and were nearly to the interests of the capital, therefore unions have been able to defend the worker rights, and explains the presence of independent trade unions and transnational organizations as alternative practices of defense. In the beginning of this chapter, I describe how works the Mexican unionism in order to understand the trade unions in the Mexican maquiladoras as a complex relationship among traditional unions, independent unions, worker coalitions, and transnational solidarity networks. In the next section, I explain the unionism in the northern border region, especially in the states of Tamaulipas, Coahuila, Chihuahua,
The 1970 U.S Postal strike was an illegal nationwide strike that started out in New York City and spread all through the east and west of the United States. During this time period one of the biggest multi-million dollar contract for the United States postal service was set to expire. U.S Postal services workers were in need of higher wages and better working conditions, they saw this as an opportunity to work with congress to try and get these issues resolve. Unfortunately congress would come to a congressional decision and would only raise wages by four percent for the United States postal service workers. The news that congress would raise wages by four percent , would make the workers upset due to the conditions they work through and having
Additionally, there were conflicts within the union, resulting in many people organized strikes against the head of the union’s wishes. Many of these strikes were ineffective, creating a greater unrest within the union. The unions and management of large businesses, always struggle for power in the workplace. Many workers work in poor conditions, paid low wages and long hours. The workers believe that if they go against the management in large groups, they might be strong enough to gain a say in their workplace decisions.
I do agree with your statement, but I would also like to add another perspective where we would have to look at which sectors are affected the most to understand why strikes keep happening so much in some sectors. It could be assumed that due to Canada starting to outsource more it is starting to affect some sectors. This can be seen in the manufacturing and industrial sector. Outsourcing is causing the sector to diminish and as a result there are people starting to strike to show employers that they are still important so ensure that they will still have work. In a way globalization is both a good and bad.