In other words, what is missing in the concept of "non-essentialist legal pluralism" is the internal point of view. The view of the participant. The view of someone who not only has a belief about what the law is inside the society, but also of someone who demands the adoption of the legal practice because external conformity is part of the reasons to follow a rule, so as the expectation of legal implementation represents a key element for the social construction of law. In this perspective, what is missing then is the construction, in terms of collective intentions and shared expectations, of the social convention concept, what determines the categorial transformation of the factual moment that is immanent to praxis into a normative phenomenon, …show more content…
An undoubtedly complex task that includes the description of legal reality, today within an enigmatic context which demands to give a voice to claim of normativity not always externally covered with a legal form, but in which the need to describe does not prove to be, as in the non essentialist conventionalism, tainted by a definitional gap. And, in this perspective, to reinterpret the normativity of transnational law as a question of degree, in which the concept of social pressure that innervates Hart's perspective and founds the dialectic between social habits/social and legal rules will give back new compatibilities and new conflicts of the social business that necessarily proves the irreducibleness of the political/decisional character and the partiality of legal …show more content…
The inter-institutional normativity is contingent, intermittent and can blur within the global governance those fundamental theoretical assumptions –objectivity and permanence of organizations– that characterized the positions of traditional legal institutionalism, à la Romano. Nevertheless, it enables to inflect in the plural, according to a multilevel version, those legal decisions that emerge from practices, if they can provide a certain degree of intensity and interaction , giving back each time areas of normative inclusion/exclusion, unstable balances and forms of legal representation.
An interpretation, thus, in terms of compatibility between soft power and hard power, but also necessarily of conflict; the type of conflict that generates the same social construction as the law does, within an irregular path where legal system can be active or inactive, where you can have battles, claims and
The Court’s effectiveness relies on the institutional capacities as well as the ruling’s popularity. When lower-court judges comply with Supreme Court decisions, rulings can have a substantial effect on social policies, as in the case
In strain theory, laws are equivalent to the accepted means that people can use to achieve their goals, which are described as a product of tradition and consensus. According to Frederick von Savigny, laws are “generalized statements of the tendencies actually operating, of the presuppositions on which a particular civilization is based” (Hagan 5). In this view, laws are almost indistinguishable from the commonly held morality found in a society. This theory on the nature of laws appears to match Merton’s understanding of how goals and methods of obtaining these goals are formed. An apposing theory on the creation of laws views them as a “product of conflict” (Hagan 5).
In his book, “The Law”, Frederic Bastiat aims to counter the trend in legislation which he identified in France during his life. A legislator himself, Bastiat worried that the scope of the law had expanded far past what was just and thus performed the very acts of greed and plunder which it should aim to prevent. Bastiat based his argument on the idea that the essence of man is found in his personality, liberty, and property. The role of law is to protect these faculties of man, and anything beyond is abuse of power and legal plunder. Bastiat views these elements which comprise man as innate.
In his essay The Model of Rules I, Professor Ronald Dworkin argues against a certain theory of law he attributes to H.L.A Hart called “positivism.” While Dworkin argues against many tenets of the positivist theory, I will focus this essay on critical reasons against Dworkin’s argument against the legal positivist thesis that the law consist of nothing but rules. To do so, I will explain the necessary components of Hart’s theory of law required to understand Dworkin’s rebuttal. Then, I will reconstruct Dworkin’s argument against what I will classify “nothing but rules” claim, and I will ultimate claim Dworkin’s argument fails because his premise that states principles are extra-legal and cannot be explained as part of the categories is false. In particular, I indicate how principles can be legally binding like legal rules are, and I pick apart his reasons for believing that there are clear distinctions between laws and principles.
From the Constitution’s ratification in 1787 through the 1850s, many American historians shared the consensus that the founding fathers had designed the Constitution the way they did because they were trying to protect the citizens and their rights. James Kent was one very prominent historian among this group. In his book, Commentaries on American Law (1826), he stated “THE government of the United States was erected by the free voice and joint will of the people of America, for their common defence [defense] and general welfare...and it is justly deemed the guardian of our best rights, the source of our highest civil and political duties, and the sure means of national greatness.” (Kent) Essentially, James Kent was trying to convey the point
Carl Schmitt’s claim that politics is fundamentally distinct from other spheres is persuasive on the premise that the core of politics consists on the friend/enemy theory with each side of the conflict posing a perceived existential threat of violence to one another. However, his argument is less persuasive when he uses this premise to critique liberalism because he does not provide an alternative solution to his criticism. Schmitt contends that, “the political must rest on its own ultimate distinction, [and] the specific political distinction to which political actions and motives can be reduced is between friend and enemy” (Schmitt 26). Schmitt defines a political or public enemy as a collective group that poses an existential threat of violence, “the real possibility of physical killing” (Schmitt 33).
Furthermore, from two scholarly perspectives, authors Richard Rothstein and Kitty Calavita, we can deepen our engagement with this relationship in their books, The Color of Law and Invitation to Law and Society, An Introduction
Introduction Finders keepers, losers weepers is a childhood adage that means whatever is found on the school playground can be kept but there is no principle of law that supports an individual is entitled to keep something he finds, while the original owner bears the loss. The premise when something is lost by one individual and found by another has been expressed in various ways over the centuries.
From now on, we’re the law”(40). Pedro does not care about what the law says since his new authority makes him the law. The law outlines what is acceptable and unacceptable
He says the existence of a dominant power always exercise hegemonial authority thereby creating a norms under which independent states interact with each other. This conceptual framework of states existing under certain prescribes norms finds relevant in the contemporary IR more likely after the Treaty of Westphalia. This hegemonic world order needs to be explained from an approach which best predicts events and affairs in the international system. Looking at the larger factors concerning
It is heavily influenced from the Groation tradition. According to this perspective, regimes are much more pervasive and exist in all areas of international relations. Contrary to the conventional structure and modified structural, this viewpoint moves away from realist thinking as it is “too limited to explain an increasingly complex, interdependent, and complex world.” This approach rejects the assumption that the international system is comprised of states and the balance of power is solely due to force. Rather, it argues that elites are the principal actors and that they have national and transnational ties.
The four major legal families of law are Civil Law, Common Law, Socialist Law, and Sacred Law. Today, most nations follow either Civil Law or Common Law. Sometimes, countries mix civil and common law and use a little of both. Some countries that follow Civil Law are China, Japan, Germany, France, and Spain. The countries that follow Common Law are North America, the United Kingdom, and other Commonwealth countries around the world.
An issue in theoretical basis on what should prevail or which is supreme between International Law or Municipal Law (national law) is usually presented as a competition between monism and dualist. But in modern approach there is now the theory of coordination or is also called Harmonization theory that rejects the presumption of the other two theoretical concept, monism and dualism. The monist view asserts the international law’s supremacy over the municipal law even in matters within the internal or domestic jurisdiction of a state. While it is true that the international law defines the legal existence of states as well of the validity of its national legal order, the dualist asserts the international law is an existing system that is completely separated from municipal or national law. That dictates the
It believes that all individuals are born with an increasing desire to own power hardwired inside them. In these circumstances dominant states should do direct high power over their rivals. In the other hand, structural realism does not define the quest for power, instead it is focused on the structure of the international
Law is present in our daily life and in everything we do. We cannot think a second without law. Whatever we can see around us everything is connected with the law. Sometimes we can see it and sometimes we cannot see but feel it. Law is not just a thing to obey for yourself but making a peaceful society.