Legislation against subversion
One of the distinctive feature of the Malaysian Constitution is the special powers to deal with subversion under Article 149 of Federal Constitution (FC).
Under Article 149(1) of FC , “Subversion” has been defined as causing substantial number of citizens to fear organized violence against persons or property, exciting disaffection against the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or any government in the Federation, promoting feelings of ill-will between classes of the population in such a way as is likely to cause violence, procuring alteration, otherwise than by lawful means, of anything by law established, prejudicing the maintenance of any supply or service to the public, or causing prejudice to public order or national
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Hence it also included the right to dissolve an existing association and the right to resign an association. In the case of Dewan Undangan Negeri Kelantan v Nordin Salleh , the Supreme Court strucked down an amendment to the Kelantan Constitution that required an assemblyman to vacate his seat if he defected from the party on whose ticket he had won his seat. On the dark side of this, the rights of freedom of association is also accompanied by restraints such as the Trade Unions Act 1959 (Act 262), The Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 and The Societies Act 1966 (Act 335). In the case of Dr Mohd Nasir Hashim v Menteri , the new party, Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) applied for registration under the Societies Act. The seven members constituting the party’s committee were mostly from the state of Selangor. The Registrar of Societies then declined their registration at national level because the internal policy stated that there must be representation from at least seven States of the Federation in the committee of a national political society. The PSM argues that the departmental policy was unconstitutional as it was not authorized by the Constitution. Both the High Court and Court Of Appeal upheld the policy as it was not unreasonable. Here, the rights are inherent. Power to restrict rights needs explicit legal justification. Otherwise , no restriction whether legislative or administrative can by-pass the boundaries laid down by the Constitution. The reasonableness of a policy is relevant only if the policy has first satisfied the test of
The relevant sections were enacted for the legitimate end of preventing the reality and perception of undue influence and corruption of the government, and ensuring equality from a political standpoint. This, they maintained, preserved and enhanced the constitutionally prescribed system of
Although section 1 states that there are limits that are justified in a free democratic society, I do not think Fracus has surpassed this boundary, Fracus is aware of
A decision of an administrative body may be set aside on the basis that it is irrational or possibly disproportionate. Conventional judicial review procedure is governed by Order 84 of the Rules of the Superior Courts 1986 to 2011, which includes amendments made by SI 691 0f 2011: Rules of the Superior Court (Judicial Review) 2011.
Rule of Law- A state can prohibit its citizens from knowingly being a part of or beginning an organization that promotes criminal syndicalism with the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. Analysis – The clear decision of the court was that they did not want anything that
IV. Addressing the opposition A. Argument 1 The Plaintiff has argued that this regulation is in best interest for the public and provides security for the society as a whole. They want the regulation to be considered Constitutional because it was voted on by the majority and therefore, it is in the best interest of the community and should therefore be enacted. This argument does not speak to the constitutional issue of the case. The Supreme Court’s main objective is to protect individuals and minorities from oppressive government.
This system also gave limits to the sovereignty of states, such as they could not get rid of national legislation or leave the Union (Champagne,
Due to precautions put in place to prevent them from interfering, the Federal Government can only exert a certain amount of authority in a court of law. In most cases, the first consideration is whether something exceeds the stated powers of the national government rather than whether it infringes on someone's
It simply requires that they “excite disaffection,” a term which the statute specifies “includes disloyalty and all feelings of enmity,” extremely vague terms. Not only that, sedition is punishable by a maximum of life imprisonment. It is also a cognizable offence, meaning that the police can arrest someone for sedition without a warrant. It follows from the above that there have been a number of arrests after loose interpretations of this law. Fortunately, the ratio of convictions to arrests is extremely low, but the chilling effect of this law on free speech is manifold, and instils fear of arbitrary arrested for seemingly innocent
Due to Constitution 's broad spectrum of interpretations, whether
Robert Isenhour Federal Government 110 10/10/17 Judicial Review Judicial Review had been obsolete until 1803 when the need for it arose in the case of Marbury vs. Madison, where it was then found to become a new component to the Judicial Branch. I am here to discuss why judicial review is and shall remain a doctrine commonly used in constitutional law. Judicial Review is the power for courts to review other government branches to determine the validity of its actions whether it be constitutional or unconstitutional. These ‘acts’ can be described as legislation passed by congress, presidential orders and actions, or all state and local governmental actions.
(Yencken, D. 2008) Australia’s legal and political system meets these criteria. It is yet important to recognise that the rule of law significantly depends on legal precedent for its active upkeep. No government official may violate these limits. No ruler, minister, or political party can tell a judge how to decide a case.
Their focus did not adequately pertain to the actual implementation of these laws. He places emphasis upon the relationship to democracies. He details how in a democracy, it is ruled by all the population, and people elected by them. It is thus full of compromises.
Malaysian has the right to freedom of speech which is guaranteed by Article 10 of the Constitution of Malaysia. The Article 10 allows all citizens the absolute freedom as not restricted by the government. In Malaysia, Law such as Publications act and printing presses give the Malaysian authorities the control over all the media. Any act that against this law may lead to fines or in much extreme cases, prison sentence. Although Malaysia has the right to freedom of speech, the media are still being controlled by the government which restrict them to publish anything against the government.
As Malaysian citizens, besides having the right to say and express whatever we want, we also have the right to assemble peaceably and we also have the right to form associations however it also being stated in Article 10 (2) (a) (b) (c) that the parliament has the right to impose restrictions on these rights. It is true that Malaysians get to enjoy the freedom of speech and expression as stated in the Federal Constitution but this freedom is restricted and these restrictions are the exception, permitted only to protect: the rights or reputations of others, national security, public order, public health and morals. This simply means that as Malaysian citizens, we do have the right to say and express whatever we want as long as it does not break the rules or regulations
Executive Branch is the oldest government in Malaysia, a place where government take place to bring up political issues or a place in the framework of federal representative democratic consultation monarchy and also a place that where exercised by the federal government of the 13 states. Executive Branch in Malaysia usually is to formulate and implement the policies in the country Executive brunch is chosen by the public through election and government will bring great impact on political system in Malaysia. Executive power is vested in the cabinet led by the Prime Minister and The Malaysian constitution stipulates that the Prime Minister must be member of the Lower House of parliment. The cabinet is chosen from among of both houses of Parliament