bringing into play the role of power relations does not exclude the use of violence any more than it does the obtaining of consent; no doubt the exercise of power can never do without one or the other, often both at the same time” (p789).It highlights how power is most definitely not the opposite of violence and where power is exercised, sometimes so is violence. In his argument it is important to note that , for a nation to exercise authority, it has to be possible that there were initially choices or actions for the government’s subjects to partake in, for a party to guide them over these - for the issues to be governed. Therefore freedom, Foucault argues, is a prerequisite for power. Taking Foucault’s argument it seems that power is not …show more content…
when one characterizes these actions by the government of men by other men - in the broadest sense of the term - one includes an important element: freedom”(p790). In other words, for a government to exercise power, it has to be possible that there were initially choices or actions for the government’s subjects to partake in, for a party to guide them over these - for the issues to be governed. Therefore freedom, Foucault argues, is a prerequisite for power. Taking Foucault’s argument it seems that power is not the essence of all government; instead, both power and freedom are. From Foucault’s argument it is evident that he does not separate violence from power because he argues that they cannot be separated from one another because power cannot exist without violence. Karl Marx in his book theory of history: A defense, writes about violence as a tool for destruction. He talks about power being in the hands of the ruling class who are the rich people in the society but objects the use of barrels of guns to obtain power (p.43). Marx is aware of the role of violence in history. He argues that the emergence of power in the …show more content…
I can come to say that in some ways I agree with this statement, and in some ways, I do not. I agree that power is an essence of government, as mentioned above, Arendt argues well for this point however I do not believe it is the only essence of government .She argues for her statement by referring to violence being instrumental whenever you use violence it is normal for some other ends. For example, a man might use violence for the ends of gaining respect from another. If violence is instrumental, it cannot be the essence of anything. Power, however, is an in itself. Foucault’s writings demonstrate, there may be other concepts intrinsic to the nature of the concept of government, such as freedom. Marx writings illustrate that the emergence of power in the society is preceded but not caused by hostile outbreaks of violence. He does not support the mechanism of violence as a way to obtain power. In a combination of both writings, a standpoint can only be valid depending on the logic presented in both cases. Furthermore, I do not subscribe to the idea that power and violence are an opposite of one another as Arendt proposes and hence implicitly implies in the quote “power is the essence of all government but violence is not. Looking at the three authors it is important to note
The Primary objective of all leaders should be to control citizens. A society that allows authority to be challenged will never succeed. This source depicts an authoritarian or totalitarian view of what a governing body should look like. The author suggests that the primary objective of government should be the “control of the citizens”, and therefore that the individuals should entirely obey said government.
Thomas Jefferson, a founding father, was one of the main people that had to do with the passing of the Declaration of Independence. He was married to Martha Jefferson and had a total of eight children. Also, he was the third president of the United States of America. In this article, he tries to persuade James Madison to give citizens their freedom and to not keep them as slaves. James Madison, also one of the founding fathers, was the fourth president of the United States of America.
“I have tried to see not differently but further…”(Tocqueville, 1835) was Alexis de Tocqueville’s conclusion to the introduction of his perennial classic text Democracy in America, and adumbrates to the reader of his modern ideas and observations that were to follow. At the same time, he measures the progress of society through its relationship with equality and liberty. In this paper, I will highlight Tocqueville’s use of equality and liberty to compare the past and the modern, and establish his views on the effects of these concepts with society and each other. Finally, I will put forth that Tocqueville does not favour one concept over the other, but notes the complex relationship between the two and the importance of the co-existence of liberty and equality for a society of people. To begin, let us build the base case to compare with and look the past as defined by Tocqueville, with emphasis on equality and liberty.
To begin, the foundation of every government’s power has always been fear. Governments depend on public fear to secure societal position. Tracing back to thousands of years ago, governments relied primarily on conquests. The research author Robert Higgs argues, “Losers who were not slain in the conquest itself had to endure the consequent rape and pillage and in the long term to acquiesce in the continuing payment of tribute to the insistent rulers.” In other words, Higgs’s point emphasizes that the government violently conquested lands and hence attacked people living there in the old times.
Introduction: While freedom as a concept feels fairly intuitive, nuances in interpretation can change the basis of an argument. John Locke’s Second Treatise of Government and Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America do not define liberty in precisely the same way, which in turn guides two different visions in how a government should function. When examining a core concept in an argument, it is important to inquire to whether its treatment is adequate. Is either definition of liberty sufficient, and does either author’s envisioned government adequately address liberty in that system? This paper will argue that Locke’s definition of liberty remains in the literal sphere while Tocqueville’s is more conceptual, but neither Locke’s nor Tocqueville’s
In Democracy in America by Alexis de Tocqueville, it talks about democracy in America and its strengths and weaknesses. Having seen the failed attempts at democratic government in his home country of France, Tocqueville wanted to study a stable and prosperous democracy to gain insights into how it worked. His studies led him to conclude that the movement toward democracy and equality of conditions was a universal phenomenon and a permanent historical tendency that could not be stopped. Since this democratic trend was inevitable, Tocqueville wanted to analyze it in order to determine its strengths and dangers so that governments could be formed to reinforce democracy 's strengths while counteracting its weaknesses. Even though Democracy in America
Andre Abi Haidar PSPA 210 INTRODUCTION It is always difficult to write about and discuss Karl Marx, or more importantly the applications of Marx’s theories, due to the fact that he inspired and gave rise to many movements and revolutionaries, not all of which follow his theories to the point. Although Marx tends to be equated with Communism, it might not seem righteous to blame him for whatever shortcomings occurred when his theories were put to the test; Marx passed away well before the revolution in Russia, and he played no role in the emergence of the totalitarian regime at the time. When discussing Marx, however, Vladimir Lenin is one of the biggest highlights when it comes to studying the outcomes of Marx’s theories.
‘Violence may murder the murderer, but it doesn’t murder murder. Violence may murder the liar, but it doesn’t murder lie… It may increase hate. It is always a descending spiral leading nowhere. This is the ultimate weakness of violence: It multiplies evil and violence in the universe.
Looking back over the development of the Security Studies field, there can be no doubt that the realist tradition has exercised enormous influence. Even the harshest of critics can acknowledge that with their focus on power, fear, and anarchy, realist theories have provided centrally important explanations for conflict and war (Williams, 2013). One interpretation of realism that is unbroken amongst most commentators of the theory is that realists are individuals that believe the State is the principle actor in international politics and that they are very concerned with the balance of power (Marsalis, 2013). They argue that all the State’s actions and choices are a reflection of the collective will of the people, which is also an argument
Power is an invisible form and has the capacity to control or influence the behaviour of a person. The claim given states that ‘employees are not the bearers of power but they suffer the effects of power’ draws attention to the key aspect of power in the organisations. For this reason, this essay will points toward the Weber’s theory for bureaucracy and how Foucault use the Panopticon as a metaphor to define the concept of power. Despite bearing some complementary perspectives, the differences between Weber and Foucault approaches to concepts of power and domination are pronounced. Weber (1968) defined power as the ability of an individual or group to achieve goals even against the resistance of others (Lukes, 1986).
The answer lies in the relationship that sex has with knowledge and power. Focusing on how power controls sex by laying down rules and regulations to follow, he said that power insisted domination and submission. He said power hides its true intentions by calling it beneficial. Foucault argued that we need to develop analytics of power in order to understand sex. He said that westerners think of power as emanating from the law.
Violence was much more powerful than we imagine not only because it led tremendous dis- aster, but also due to the deep impact on individuals. In the book of the Outsiders, the violence of Johnny’s family, the other greasers, and their opposing gangs, the Socials, strongly affected Johnny. The Violence of Johnny’s family impacts Johny’s natural instincts, which means that some of his characteristics were already fixed since he was born, and influenced him in daily life. Johnny grew up in a family without care, love, and understanding.
Karl Heinrich Marx was a German philosopher, economist, social scientist, sociologist, historian, journalist and revolutionary socialist. Marx was born on 5 May 1818 in Germany and died on 14 March 1883 in London. Karl Marx is regarded to be one of the founding fathers of Sociology. Capitalism, in layman’s term means “an economic, political, and social system in which property, business, and industry are privately owned, directed towards making the greatest possible profits for successful organizations and people.” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2014).
Hence, Foucault argued that to govern means to govern things. Considering the above situation, Foucault assumes that government and sovereignty do not follow the same pathway. The aim of
Question 1. What do you make of Karl Marx’s contributions to sociology? Answer: It would take volumes to describe how important Karl Marx’s work is in sociology. His work is important in the 21st century because his concepts and ideas are the only genuine seeds for a better society.