In the paper “The Quebec-Canada Dynamic or the Negation of the Ideal of Federalism”, Francois Rocher sets out to analyze and discuss how Canadian political literature has portrayed the historical and present characteristics of Canada’s federal system. However, Rocher argues that the two distinct points of view fail to normatively judge and solve potential problems that occur within the federal system. Beginning with the different interpretations of Canadian federalism, Rocher identifies a distinction between the opinions of scholars originating in French versus scholars originating in other parts of Canada. In analyzing the considerable contrast, Rocher concluded that French scholars were predominantly concerned with arguments of provincial …show more content…
He also does an excellent job in discussing and analyzing how the two separate views lead to two separate and distinct end goals, which gives the reader an in depth ability to truly understand the complexity of the situation, and the bottleneck that it places on federal-provincial institutions. Although there are multiple points of agreement with the author's argument, there are also points of disagreement, for example he is arguing that both sides of the argument do not allow for people to make a normative judgement on the issues at hand, but downplays the problem as a whole by stating that Canadian citizens only care about policy outcomes, and not whether or not federal-provincial conflict can be balanced. In order to be more efficient in problem solving, as well as incorporate a wider range of potential solutions, the betterment of federal-provincial institutions should be made a pressing issue, and not downplayed …show more content…
The greatest factor that the article to persuade me in agreeing with the Rocher’s statement was how the article was structured, for example when discussing the differences between the French and English scholars and how it affects political decisions. The article first labeled Quebec’s autonomy approach by citing the Tremblay commission and discussing how the commission's views on philosophical, historical, judicial, and instutionalital justifications influenced the priority of autonomy from the rest of Canada. After showing background and distinguishing these key ideas, the article showed the contrast with the opposing English scholar view and how the two views clashed with one another. From there, Rocher highlighted that with these two separate priorities on the agenda, the true normative qualities of Canada’s federal system could not discussed, as well as problems with the federal system (levels of autonomy per province) were not capable of being solved. If Canada wishes to keep its place as one of the paradigm examples of liberal democracy and a successful federal state on the world stage, then it must put forth adequate resources and time to solving these
In Chapter 4, “Polarization and Pluralism” Bibby’s focus is on how problems may come about when extremists of different natures, some being very religious from others being not the slightest bit religious, come together in Canada. He concludes at the end of the chapter that this balance, this polarization within Canada may actually be good for our own unique country (p.97).
Furthermore, Docherty (2002) suggests that the only province that appears to be fully committed to Senate reform is Alberta (the case 15 years ago anyway) while Most other provinces are quite happy to complain about the Senate but care little for reform [because] executive federalism has provided provincial premiers with a national stage that would be compromised with a powerful Senate. Inter-state federalism gives the Premier of Prince Edward Island, a province with fewer people than many Ontario cities, as much national authority as the Premier of Ontario. (Docherty 2002,
Perhaps the most unsettle period in Canadian political history, the Quebec Referendum of 1980 and a vote to the remain part of Canada, led Ottawa to initiate a balancing program to promote Charter Rights, while protecting Quebec’s language and culture. The Meech Lake and the Charlottetown Accord were developed to address this situation. However, through a compare and contrast it can be deduced that the Charlottetown Accord provided the best balance for Charter Rights and Quebec’s need for a distinct society clause. During the 1960’s Quebec began to argue that it was a distinct society due to their language, culture and history.
This means that if the legislature can abolish of change the nature of the Senate in such a way that there is an imbalance in the check and balances of the Canadian political system then this power is weak and without effect. Thus, this paper will examine the response of the Supreme Court to these questions, in order to determine how it interprets the power of the legislature and the role of the Senate within Canadian politics. It will do this by examining the primary text alone and any case law examined by the Supreme Court in this
Canada’s constitution was created on, July 1, 1867, which established Canada’s bicameral parliamentary system consisting of the House of Commons and the Senate. The Founding Fathers of Confederation created the Senate as a complimentary chamber to the House of Commons, where its most important functions are to review legislation and act as a forum where the voices of the province’s regional interests can be heard. Sir John A. Macdonald made an interesting point that the Senate must never set itself in opposition against the understood wishes of the people (Forsey 2015). This statement by Sir John A. Macdonald is thought provoking because the Senate has faced controversy over whether its appointment process is affecting the Senate’s function
Quebec’s secession from Canada has been driven by many factors such as the provinces’s belief in a distinct identity, lack of representation in politics and the isolation of Quebec’s culture and language from the rest of Canada. These beliefs are valid but, realistically a secession from Canada will cause economic destruction within the province. It has been reported that the province of Quebec has little economic backing in trade to finance a legitimate government in international politics. Also, issues concerning international trade and negotiations will become difficult to deal with as economic stability will not be immediately guaranteed. In addition to that, all the chaos from these problems will inevitably lead to Quebec’s citizens
It was believed by them that the Charter would act in the interests of corporations and those who were already privileged within society at the expense of those who are at a disadvantage. They were also concerned with the notion that the charter could potentially be “Americanizing” Canada, due to the fact that the charter is very similar to the American Bill of Rights. Sigurdson then gives a counter argument to the claims of the left wings by stating that historically it is apparent that our freedom was protected by the parliamentary government in the past and it should be expected to be protected into the future also. The author also takes into account the rule of law, division of jurisdiction, statutory bills and institutions of parliament that had already been part of our constitution in order to counter the concerns of the left-wings. Differing from the views of the left-wing charterphobes, right-wings were concerned that the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was being used to force the governments into allowing what they called “extremist
Due to this, the constitution was left unchanged for an extended period of time, and Britain was still controlling it. However, towards 1980, Pierre Trudeau led a significant expedition to vouch for the rights of his own Canadians. First, he pushed to resolve the issue with the Quebec separatists who wanted Quebec to be a separate country at the same time, share the same currency and everything else with them. Once this issue was over, Trudeau motivationally put in his efforts and made the change to the constitution which made this act significant due to the unfinished independence that was deeply rooted in our justice system, which needed to be changed. The Constitution Act, 1982 cherished the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in the Constitution and finished the unfinished business of Canadian autonomy enabling Canadians to correct their own particular Constitution without requiring endorsement from Britain.
In many countries, conflict between different groups of people is inevitable. In Canada, the divide between English-speaking and French-speaking regions has been a prominent political and cultural topic since the birth of the nation. The most well known of these conflicts goes to Quebec. The province has sprouted several movements and parties supporting the autonomy and independence of Quebec. One of those parties is the Bloc Quebecois.
The monarchy in Canada is a continuous debate among the politicians and individuals. This paper aims to present the advantages and disadvantages of the monarchy in Canada. This way will enable us to take a clear position. First, Canadian politics are known for their divisive attitudes, and it is very hard to get consensus on decisions. The Queen plays the role of reference for the Canadian politicians and their decisions.
To call this era of drastic change the ‘Quiet Revolution’ is a vivid, and yet, paradoxical description. The Quiet Revolution was a time of intense socio-political and socio-cultural change in Quebec, which extended beyond Quebec’s borders because of its influence on contemporary Canadian politics. As a result of the effects of the changes that occurred during this Quiet Revolution, most Quebec provincial governments since the early 1960s have maintained political and social orientations based on the core concepts developed and implemented during the Quiet Revolution. As such, there is no doubt that the Quiet Revolution had a significant impact in Canadian History. This impact can be characterized by the prelude to the Quiet Revolution; the demographic evolution of Quebec; the social educational reforms that were put in place; the economic reforms and their impact; the rise of nationalism; and finally, the cultural changes that occurred.
In the essay, “Federalism, Nationalism, and Reason”, Pierre Trudeau addresses the history and origins of self-determination and nationalism and its central role in federal statehood, he then discusses the interactions of federalism and nationalism in a Canadian context. Trudeau posits major arguments that will be assessed in this review. First, he postures that that the federal state is driven by self-determination and nationalism, which ultimately makes it unstable due to its foundation in emotionalism rather than reason. Second, Trudeau outlines the historical factors that resulted in the separatist narrative in Quebec and claims that Canadian nationalism cannot combat Quebec’s regional nationalism. Trudeau begins the essay with a historical
William Lyon Mackenzie King, a man of glory, forever changed Canada’s constitution during the tumultuous nineteenth century and resolved all difficulties Canada faced on its way to becoming a strong, independent, and autonomous nation. His contributions and sanctions targeted all factors at the time and had interrelated effects on the construction of Canada. Unlike other Canadian politicians, King handled every crisis with thorough planning and achieved promising outcomes from unsolvable problems. It is without a doubt that King was the most influential figure in Canada’s development. His role in the autonomy, economic development, and social stability stands as solid evidence of the pioneering impacts he had on Canada’s advancement.
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms first came into effect on April 17, 1982. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is one part of the Canadian Constitution, created in 1867. The Constitution is a set of laws containing the basic rules about how a country operates. The Charter sets out those rights and freedoms that Canadians believe are necessary in a free and democratic society. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is an effective tool to ensure and maintain a just society as it protects the innocence of people, protects and ensures past laws and states fundamental freedoms, all of which work to create a thriving society.
For a long time the debates had been going about how was the better prime minister of Canada. On the the top of most lists of best prime ministers are Mackenzie King and Sir John A. Macdonald. For example, according to the Expert Survey that was made in 2013 “Laurier came first, Macdonald second, and King third, but the difference in their overall scores was negligible”. Both prime ministers had a strong vision of the country that helped shaped Canada to become the country it is today(in 2015). Thesis: Sir John A.Macdonald was one of the founding fathers, but William Lyon Mackenzie King had to lead the country through the part of Depression and WWII, and they both have made different positive contributions to Canada and are highly respected